Charting political parties in a new era

Charting political parties in a new era

API, Almanak Parpol Indonesia, Pemilu 1999 (Almanac of Indonesian
Political Parties, 1999 Elections); Coordinator: Julia I. Suryakusuma;
Published by API, Jakarta , 1999; 729 pp; Rp 50,000.

JAKARTA (JP): The fall of Soeharto in May 1998 served as a
catalyst for the sudden rebirth of Indonesian political parties.
More than 100 political parties were established around the
country, something which was unimaginable during the repressive
Soeharto era.

For more than 30 years, Indonesians knew only three parties:
Islamic-oriented United Development Party (PPP), ruling Golkar
and the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI), the nationalist party
formed from the fusion of parties in the 1970s. The latter
occurred because of the emphasis on being one and unified in the
New Order's development strategy.

The multiparty era was absent for more than 40 years after the
country's first president, Sukarno, dismissed the Constituent, a
legislative body which represented parties from the first
election in 1955, in 1959. Sukarno and the Army believed that
debates between the nationalist and Islamic factions in the
Constituent would foment political tensions and also cause a
breakdown in society.

API, an association of 13 non-governmental organizations led
by prominent feminist Julia I. Suryakusuma, set out in this work
to record all the political parties founded in the transition
era. No less than 148 parties were established within the first
nine months of B.J. Habibie's presidency, but seven of them did
not meet the criterion. Eventually, only 48 political parties
were declared eligible to contest the 1999 elections by the
General Elections Commission (KPU). The event was a milestone in
the history of political parties in Indonesia.

API has several aims in recording data on the political
parties. First, it wants to show how the real progress of
Indonesian politics led to an increase in the number of
Indonesian political parties, although it does not always relate
to the quality of the parties. Also, it shows the rise in
political consciousness in society during the transition era; at
the same time, the group wants to become a watchdog to monitor
the behavior of political leaders today.

The other section in the book contains 10 essays by scholars
centering on several issues from the transition era, such as
economic growth, election methods, the rule of law and the
euphoria born from media freedom. The authors are Kevin Evans,
Ben Reilly, Alexander Irwan, Ignas Kleden, Agung Putri, Marsilam
Simanjuntak, Julia I. Suryakusuma, Stanley, Gabriele Ferrazi and
Sri Mulyani Indrawati.

It is a highly valuable effort to show that Indonesia has
tried to enter a new era, not only because of the numbers of its
political parties, but also through indicating the rise of hope
in society for a better future. For more than 30 years, Indonesia
cowered under an authoritarian regime which gave no room for
opposition, a free press and rationalistic economic planning. In
turn, we lived under a centralistic government and in a
singularly corrupt society, which the bureaucracy was able to
play economic and political roles in simultaneously.

Most Indonesians want a peaceful and constitutional political
transition. They hope that the 1999 elections will be the first
step to enter a new era of a more democratic society. We will
have to keep track whether this desire is realized.

The country went to the polls peacefully on June 7 despite the
predictions of scholars that the vote would be marred by riots.
After the elections, however, the fighting began for legislative
seats among the country's political elite. We see political
clowns today arguing and fighting for their own benefits and
interests. Have they remained consistent with their idealism as
they establish their parties? This book serves as a valuable
gauge in measuring their commitment.

It goes without saying the political transition in Indonesia
is still in its transitional stage, which means the passage to a
democratic Indonesia also hangs in the balance. Can the country
eradicate the authoritarian culture which was practiced by
Soeharto and Golkar for more than 30 years? What will be the
conditions? Are the political parties consistent in performing
fundamental changes for a democratic society, to respect human
rights and social justice? Can new groups in society continue
their control or, more pertinently, broaden their direction from
a power which existed for more than 30 years.

These questions will linger even when the new government is
established. They will be relevant in judging whether Indonesia
can pass the crucial period in its history to a more
rationalistic and democratic country. Will the country pass the
tests to overcome its political problem, and is the new
government really a representation of people's demands instead of
the status quo.

The book also will become an instrument for reflection of the
party leaders and also a measure of Indonesian society on whether
the political elite lived up to its promises in forming parties.
The advent of many new parties does not automatically translate
into a more democratic society. When a new government neglects
the people's demands, it tends to resort to authoritarianism and
use law as a tool to protect its power. It is the first
indication that we must step in and correct its errant ways.

-- Ignatius Haryanto

The reviewer is a researcher at the Institute of Press and
Development Studies in Jakarta.