Changes needed alongside UN extension in East Timor
Changes needed alongside UN extension in East Timor
East Timor will formally become a new nation when the
temporary administration under the United Nations ends. But
problems in meeting the initial deadline of the Jan. 31, 2001
mandate of the UN Transitional Administration in East Timor
(UNTAET) led UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan to suggest its
extension to December 2001. This article follows a two-week visit
to East Timor, to where The Jakarta Post's Ati Nurbaiti was
invited to the first congress of the Association of Journalists
of Timor Loro Sae in Dili.
DILI (JP): Until mid January, one got varying answers when
asking locals and officials in East Timor about the deadline of
the transition period to Timor's independence. Elections were
earlier scheduled for June, after which an elected government
would rule the new nation.
Some expected the deadline to be December, given that the
constitution is not in place, neither has a decision on the
electoral system been reached.
Then on Jan. 17 the UN Secretary General Kofi Annan was
reported to have recommended the extension of the UNTAET mandate
to December 2001. UNTAET chief Sergio de Mello was quoted as
saying that he had "no doubts" about the extension until December
"because our work is not finished yet."
Elections would be in July to August, he said.
Members of the transitional parliament called the National
Council (NC) have said they have not seen a draft constitution
which they should be debating on.
In a January hearing with Finance Minister Michael Francino,
the members learned that despite the looming deadline, there were
no funds for voters' registration or subsidies for the campaign
of political parties.
When UNTAET was set up in October 1999 to replace the United
Nations Mission in East Timor (UNAMET), the UN Security Council
decided its initial term would last until Jan. 31, 2001. Given
the absence of a constitution and a decision on electoral systems
the suggested extension until December 2001 may be realistic,
some locals say.
The hand over from UNAMET's head Ian Martin to UNTAET's
Brazilian Sergio de Mello was welcomed as an improvement in the
then anti-Australian and anti-west climate in Indonesia.
Entering its second year here there is much criticism over
UNTAET's performance. Timorese leader, now President of the
National Council, Jose Alexandre "Xanana" Gusmao, expressed
strong hopes "that UNTAET would not repeat its mistakes of the
first year" of its mission.
Praise is also to be found. Traders in Dili's Mercado (market)
said UNTAET is giving priority to rural areas while they could
still manage on their own.
Radio UNTAET is also commended for its wide reaching programs
and UNTAET tries to inform the public of its policies, among
others through the bi-weekly editions of the Tais Timor tabloid.
The most highlighted sign of resentment was the threat of four
out of nine ministers -- including economic minister Mari
Alkatiri and infrastructure minister Joao Carrascalao -- to
resign from the transitional cabinet.
"UNTAET should be subordinate to the East Timor Transitional
Administration; now that's Timorization," Alkatiri was quoted as
saying in reports.
The Administration, or ETTA, was set up as part of the
"Timorization" policy. Placing ETTA above the UN-sponsored body
sounds doubtful, yet Alkatiri was encouraged by "rapid changes"
-- but this was before Annan's suggestion of UNTAET's extension.
UNTAET's mandate from the Security Council dated Oct. 22, 1999
shows that it is given overall responsibility over East Timor.
At that time people had just returned from hiding in Timor's
mountains or over the border in Kupang following the arrival of
the International Troops for East Timor in September.
Some elderly people had died of cold in the mountains and many
became sick in refugee camps. Upon their return residents either
took over empty homes or set up temporary roofing over their
ruined homes.
Prices were ridiculous with a 500 gram pack of powdered milk
reaching Rp 300,000, and cooking oil was just as costly.
The UN Security Council stressed the need for all parties to
guarantee the right of safe return of refugees apart from
ensuring emergency operations. Security was the priority --
"facilitating capacity building of the Timorese towards self
governance" comes only later in the document.
As things got better later in 2000, calls increased for
accelerated delegation and transfer of authority in various
sectors, and ETTA was set up. However even ministers felt they
had no say, hence the threat to resign.
At least sticking to the Security Council's resolution would
help UNTAET give more benefit to the people they are serving. The
resolution points out "the need of UNTAET to consult and closely
work with the people of East Timor to achieve its mandate
effectively for the sake of developing local democratic
institutions ..."
It adds, " .... To transfer to these institutions
administrative and public service functions."
One UNTAET staffer says all this has been hard to understand,
with colleagues only getting half the meaning of the resolution,
that of having the role of administrator. "The mandate is clear
to me -- helping capacity building of the Timorese," he said.
Notices at the UNTAET headquarters remind staff of "cultural
sensitivity" to the "unique cultures in East Timor" and the above
source says this would be much easier to achieve with more staff
from neighboring countries.
Culture aside, repeated criticism is of the Timorese feeling
there is little left for them to do, with international staff in
what they see as too many positions -- or discrimination in stark
difference in wages in areas where they are doing similar work to
international staff. The criticism also applies to UN bodies and
international and non-international organizations.
"He couldn't even operate the satellite phone," one former
staffer in the Covalima region said of a colleague in a UN
organization who was paid much more than he was.
The other main criticism is that international staff including
those from international NGOs do not adequately consult locals on
their needs and other necessary input regarding "facilitation" or
"aid." Many are "inept but arrogant," thinking Timorese cannot do
anything, NC member and lawyer Aniceto Gueterres said.
"The best people have left out of frustration," says one
staffer at UNTAET.
Transition is all a matter of willpower on the part of UNTAET,
says Gueterres. The political will to transfer political and
administrative authority to the Timorese is not there yet, he
said.
"This is evident from the stalling of transition and the
interests of so many countries and individuals, and political
interests" including that of the Timorese, Gueterres told The
Jakarta Post.
Sociologist Helen Hill, who has studied East Timor since the
1970s, said international staff "have a lack of imagination of
what it is like to be Timorese."
The seemingly simple way out -- just ask the locals -- seems
not so simple as the UN and international staffers have not been
"obliged to consult" locals in previous experiences, mainly
peacekeeping operations, Hill said.
The same goes for emergency NGOs. Only top Timorese leaders
are consulted, "leading to all sorts of unnecessary problems,"
she said.
"It has been wrong to draw comparisons with (UN work) in
Bosnia or Cambodia," said Hill, who is writing a book on the
latest developments of the new nation.
Timorese feel very insulted with such comparisons, she told
the Post in an interview.
"They feel they are the victors," she said, and resent being
treated "like helpless victims of war as in Bosnia or Cambodia."
In the Maliana district, locals say they have good cooperation
with UNTAET regarding their community programs. They affirmed
they would be ready for the time when they will be on their own
-- but for now they were not doing anything yet, "because for now
UNTAET is doing everything."
Such a mistaken paradigm of being administrators of an
emergency situation which has led to the habit of not consulting
locals is, however, without malice, Hill said.
Compared to Indonesia, "which tried to make the Timorese love
them by giving goodies" such as basic facilities, Hill said "the
UN feels it's loved already", it does not feel it has to help
more with amenities like transportation and street lighting.
UNTAET's deputy district administrator in Bobonaro town of
Maliana, Joao Vicente, said UNTAET does not want people to become
dependent on them.
"There are some private buses operating already," he said.
UNTAET says it is doing adequate facilitation. Its Tais Timor
tabloid reminds people of largely repaired roads following heavy
flooding, enabling the minibus routes and provision of
electricity -- itself a source of frustration as power is far
from stable "while UNTAET buildings remain bright" in the dark, a
local said.
Hill says both the Timorese and the UNTAET are responsible
for slowing down the transition. "The Timorese are a very
thorough people," she said. "They wouldn't rush through the
constitution."
If UNTAET's mandate is extended, it might be a significant
step to take into much more consideration the basically upbeat
feeling among these victors of war.
"There has been trouble, that's to be expected of a new
nation," says trader Domingos Alves Cabral in Dili, of fights on
New Year's Eve.
"But we're in high spirits, we can manage."