Challenges for democratic consolidation in Asia

Ronald Meinardus, Resident Representative, Friedrich-Naumann Foundation, Manila

After analyzing the transition of some thirty countries from non-democratic to democratic systems in the late twentieth century Samuel Huntington wrote a book entitled The Third Wave. Asia emerged as a significant player in the tide of global democratization which begun with the overthrow of the military dictatorship in Portugal in 1974 and culminated in Germany's democratic revolution (and peaceful reunification) in 1989/1990.

After years of authoritarian rule, India, the Philippines, Korea, Taiwan and Pakistan embraced or returned to democratic governance. Seen in an historical context, however, democracy is rarely a one-way-road. Huntington argues that "The democratization waves and the reverse waves suggest a two-step- forward, one-step-backward patters."

Certain developments in this part of the world testify that the enthusiasm for democratic reform has wavered and that the process of democratization has entered a phase of reversal. Not that the region has seen the fallback of democratic regimes to dictatorial orders. In Indonesia and in Cambodia encouraging steps towards democracy have taken place in recent years. The reversal I am talking of is of a different nature.

Newly democratized nations in the region are experiencing political turmoil that may be attributed to weak democratic institutions and the lack of societal consensus on how to solve constitutional disputes. The recent political crisis in the Philippines caused by the attempt of an opposition party to impeach the Chief Judge is one such case; the escalating quarrel between the South Korean president and the main opposition group (and majority party) regarding illegal campaign funds is another example.

According to empirical surveys, in some Asian democracies, substantial portions of the population are not convinced of the virtues of democratic rule. Unfortunately, the political leaders are not always the best preachers of democratic values. Recently, the democratically elected Prime Minister of Thailand Thaksin Shinawatra caused a stir, when he said that democracy is not a priority: "Democracy is a good and beautiful thing, but it's not the ultimate goal as far as administering the country is concerned," Thaksin professed in a statement that was ominously released on Thailand's Constitution Day.

According to his opponents, Thaksin's rhetoric reflects recent government actions that have caused concern also internationally, such as the crackdown against illegal drugs in which allegedly many people have been subject to extra-judicial killings by the police, the Thai government's efforts to control the media and the attempts to unravel Thailand's constitutional system of checks-and-balances.

These and other issues were highlighted at a recent international conference in Bangkok on the occasion of the tenth anniversary of the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats (CALD). Founded a decade ago in the Thai capital by Kim Dae-jung of South Korea, Chuan Leekpai of Thailand and other democratic and liberal Asian leaders, CALD has evolved into a federation of political parties from all parts of Asia.

At their recent meeting, Asia's Liberals and Democrats agreed that these are difficult times for democracy in Asia. "We are now at a crucial juncture" said the former Prime Minister of Thailand Chuan Leekpai. He added that the optimism of the post-Cold War era regarding the eventual triumph of democratic principles throughout Asia has been replaced by more somber assessments.

Throughout the region, politicians who espouse democratic and liberal principles find themselves in the defensive. In some countries, nationalism has replaced a more outward-looking and open-minded approach. According to Chuan Leekpai, the financial crisis of 1997 has elevated nationalism to new heights.

This nationalism is not limited to economic protectionism but has also penetrated the political agenda. "The emergence of nationalistic reaction seems to be reinforcing a dangerous drift away from democracy", said Chuan. After the terrorist attacks in the United States in September 2001, Asian Liberals and Democrats found themselves in a formidable situation. In the aftermath of 9/11, many governments passed new security laws overruling concerns that civil liberties should not be curtailed in the process.

How do Asia's Democrats and Liberals react to these challenges? Due to geographical and political diversity in the region they do not speak with one voice on many issues. Nevertheless a common denominator exists: A widespread consensus that political stability is a prerequisite for democratic consolidation and economic development. Unlike their detractors who favor authoritarian remedies, Asia's democrats argue that political stability is achievable in a democratic context including a system of checks and balances and free and fair elections.

"There must be political stability", says Jose Concepcion, the Chairman of the National Citizens' Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL) from the Philippines, "and this can only be achieved if the elections reflect the true will of the people". In Asia, as in other parts of the world, the enemies of democracy argue that only they are capable of safeguarding law and order. To rebut this myth has become a major challenge for liberal and democratic parties throughout the world.

While they are, indeed, champions of human rights and, consequently, the rule of law, this does not mean that they favor a feeble state. The opposite is correct. "To consolidate democracy, we need a strong and functioning state", says Marzuki Darusman, Former Attorney General of Indonesia and chairman of the Golkar Party in charge for human rights.

A state, one may add, in which democratic political parties play an important role. The perennial weakness of political parties and their lack of democratic accountability in most Asian democracies may be termed one of the most serious challenges for democratic consolidation.

Parties are not only the breeding ground for political leaders and laboratories for new policies, they are also a vital link between the citizens and the government. As long as this link is broken, as is the case in most Asian countries, democratic consolidation will remain incomplete.