Can RI take ASEAN leading role?

Kavi Chongkittavorn, The Nation, Asia News Network, Bangkok

President Bambang Susilo Yudhoyono leads Indonesia, but will he also take a leading role in ASEAN in the years to come? Although he has not yet announced his Cabinet, all diplomatic indications suggest that Indonesia will become more assertive in regional and international affairs under his leadership.

Interestingly, many Asian countries would like to see a more active Indonesia, especially after its much-hailed free presidential election last month. As the world's largest Muslim nation and third-largest democracy, the country is rightly considered a heavyweight. Its views and positions must be treated with seriousness.

Indonesia was the previous chair of ASEAN and the host of last year's summit in Bali. However, it failed to live up to expectations that it would push for a more open and accountable ASEAN. Consequently, a much scaled-down version of the ASEAN security community, which is supposed to serve as a template for future ASEAN common security actions, was accepted in place of something more ambitious. The question is now whether the action plans for the ASEAN Security Community that Indonesia drafted will be approved by the ASEAN leaders at their summit next month in Vientiane or whether these plans will be further amended.

In them, Jakarta urges a more liberal vision for the grouping, one that pays attention to democracy and human rights in the region. As far as the leadership is concerned, Susilo expects to fare better than his predecessor, Megawati Soekarnoputri, when it comes to summits.

Beyond the immediate region, China was quick to recognize Indonesia's eminent position in ASEAN and has invited the country to chair the first defense and security conference that will be part of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF)'s intersessional meeting in Beijing on Nov. 4. ARF representatives at the vice defense- ministerial level will attend this important meeting, which will highlight China's role in security.

Gone are the days when China shied away from debating regional security matters. Now Beijing has a global strategy that has blossomed naturally alongside its growing economic and political clout. With confidence, it is now seizing the bull by the horns.

By asking Indonesia to chair the Beijing meeting, China is pre-empting deep-rooted concerns among Indonesian policy-makers that Beijing is moving too fast to consolidate its position in Southeast Asia, which could be perceived as a possible threat. After all, the history of Indonesian-Chinese relations still very much dominates the dynamics of diplomacy between the two countries.

After the acknowledgement that China had a market economy by the ASEAN-plus-three economic ministerial meeting last month in Jakarta, Beijing proposed a feasibility study for an East Asian Free Trade Area. The report will be ready for the Vientiane summit.

When it comes to the future of East Asian cooperation, Indonesia is in two minds about the inaugural East Asian Summit (EAS) planned for later next year in Kuala Lumpur. The summit needs to be endorsed by the grouping's leaders before it can move ahead. Jakarta wants to make sure that the summit is a one-off event even though China has already agreed to host a second summit.

In April, when China hosted the ASEAN-plus-three directors- general meeting, it offered to host the first EAS, much to the chagrin of Malaysia. The issue was later settled during a visit by Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi to China in June.

In more ways than one, Indonesia's behavior reflects the nation's ongoing anxiety over the role of China and the level of comfort between ASEAN and China. The two sides have made a great strides in their friendship in the past five years, a period in which Indonesia has been preoccupied with domestic issues. Now it wants to contribute more to overall scheme of things in the region.

Indonesia only resumed diplomatic ties with China in 1990. China is now increasing pressure on ASEAN to come clean on its one-China policy and has already seen some success with Singapore. But a recent trip to Taiwan by a key Indonesian minister did not solicit any response from Beijing.

As a country that has long been associated with having an independent and non-aligned foreign policy, Indonesia prefers an ASEAN that is friendly to all its dialogue partners. Accordingly, Jakarta feels that the proposed East Asian Summit, coming as fast as it is now, could send the wrong signal to the grouping's Western friends. Within the region, these countries, the U.S. in particular, view Indonesia as a countervailing force to China.

Furthermore, the EAS is one of the long-term plans of the ASEAN-plus-three process. For the time being, Indonesia wants to prioritize integration between ASEAN members and the realization of a true ASEAN community.

It is interesting to note that despite ASEAN's polite refusal to accept China's request to join the Southeast Asian Nuclear Weapons-Free Zone, the grouping is working hard to maintain the level of amity needed to engage China.

At the forthcoming summit in Vientiane, China and ASEAN will sign an action plan to ensure that there is a proper framework in place to pave the way for a strategic partnership between ASEAN and China. Last December, during the ASEAN-Japan summit, a more comprehensive action plan covering 120 projects was signed between the two sides.

The region will soon be able to gauge how far Indonesia is willing to engage ASEAN and beyond. It will also find out whether the country has what it takes to lead ASEAN, a quality that is now commonly associated with the dictatorial former president Soeharto.