Can RI take ASEAN leading role?

Can RI take ASEAN leading role?

Kavi Chongkittavorn, The Nation, Asia News Network, Bangkok

President Bambang Susilo Yudhoyono leads Indonesia, but will
he also take a leading role in ASEAN in the years to come?
Although he has not yet announced his Cabinet, all diplomatic
indications suggest that Indonesia will become more assertive in
regional and international affairs under his leadership.

Interestingly, many Asian countries would like to see a more
active Indonesia, especially after its much-hailed free
presidential election last month. As the world's largest Muslim
nation and third-largest democracy, the country is rightly
considered a heavyweight. Its views and positions must be treated
with seriousness.

Indonesia was the previous chair of ASEAN and the host of last
year's summit in Bali. However, it failed to live up to
expectations that it would push for a more open and accountable
ASEAN. Consequently, a much scaled-down version of the ASEAN
security community, which is supposed to serve as a template for
future ASEAN common security actions, was accepted in place of
something more ambitious. The question is now whether the action
plans for the ASEAN Security Community that Indonesia drafted
will be approved by the ASEAN leaders at their summit next month
in Vientiane or whether these plans will be further amended.

In them, Jakarta urges a more liberal vision for the grouping,
one that pays attention to democracy and human rights in the
region. As far as the leadership is concerned, Susilo expects to
fare better than his predecessor, Megawati Soekarnoputri, when it
comes to summits.

Beyond the immediate region, China was quick to recognize
Indonesia's eminent position in ASEAN and has invited the country
to chair the first defense and security conference that will be
part of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF)'s intersessional meeting
in Beijing on Nov. 4. ARF representatives at the vice defense-
ministerial level will attend this important meeting, which will
highlight China's role in security.

Gone are the days when China shied away from debating regional
security matters. Now Beijing has a global strategy that has
blossomed naturally alongside its growing economic and political
clout. With confidence, it is now seizing the bull by the horns.

By asking Indonesia to chair the Beijing meeting, China is
pre-empting deep-rooted concerns among Indonesian policy-makers
that Beijing is moving too fast to consolidate its position in
Southeast Asia, which could be perceived as a possible threat.
After all, the history of Indonesian-Chinese relations still very
much dominates the dynamics of diplomacy between the two
countries.

After the acknowledgement that China had a market economy by
the ASEAN-plus-three economic ministerial meeting last month in
Jakarta, Beijing proposed a feasibility study for an East Asian
Free Trade Area. The report will be ready for the Vientiane
summit.

When it comes to the future of East Asian cooperation,
Indonesia is in two minds about the inaugural East Asian Summit
(EAS) planned for later next year in Kuala Lumpur. The summit
needs to be endorsed by the grouping's leaders before it can move
ahead. Jakarta wants to make sure that the summit is a one-off
event even though China has already agreed to host a second
summit.

In April, when China hosted the ASEAN-plus-three directors-
general meeting, it offered to host the first EAS, much to the
chagrin of Malaysia. The issue was later settled during a visit
by Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi to China in
June.

In more ways than one, Indonesia's behavior reflects the
nation's ongoing anxiety over the role of China and the level of
comfort between ASEAN and China. The two sides have made a great
strides in their friendship in the past five years, a period in
which Indonesia has been preoccupied with domestic issues. Now it
wants to contribute more to overall scheme of things in the
region.

Indonesia only resumed diplomatic ties with China in 1990.
China is now increasing pressure on ASEAN to come clean on its
one-China policy and has already seen some success with
Singapore. But a recent trip to Taiwan by a key Indonesian
minister did not solicit any response from Beijing.

As a country that has long been associated with having an
independent and non-aligned foreign policy, Indonesia prefers an
ASEAN that is friendly to all its dialogue partners. Accordingly,
Jakarta feels that the proposed East Asian Summit, coming as fast
as it is now, could send the wrong signal to the grouping's
Western friends. Within the region, these countries, the U.S. in
particular, view Indonesia as a countervailing force to China.

Furthermore, the EAS is one of the long-term plans of the
ASEAN-plus-three process. For the time being, Indonesia wants to
prioritize integration between ASEAN members and the realization
of a true ASEAN community.

It is interesting to note that despite ASEAN's polite refusal
to accept China's request to join the Southeast Asian Nuclear
Weapons-Free Zone, the grouping is working hard to maintain the
level of amity needed to engage China.

At the forthcoming summit in Vientiane, China and ASEAN will
sign an action plan to ensure that there is a proper framework in
place to pave the way for a strategic partnership between ASEAN
and China. Last December, during the ASEAN-Japan summit, a more
comprehensive action plan covering 120 projects was signed
between the two sides.

The region will soon be able to gauge how far Indonesia is
willing to engage ASEAN and beyond. It will also find out whether
the country has what it takes to lead ASEAN, a quality that is
now commonly associated with the dictatorial former president
Soeharto.