Cambodia still divided by factional rifts

By Yuli Ismartono

JAKARTA (JP): When Prince Norodom Ranariddh and Hun Sen, Cambodia's two prime ministers, visited Jakarta recently, they took pains to convince potential investors that their country is a safe place to do business.

"I am very pleased to report that the coalition government of the Kingdom of Cambodia is working extremely well," Ranariddh told members of the Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry (Kadin) at a luncheon meeting.

But no sooner did interested Indonesian businessmen obtain their Cambodian visas then the capital of Phnom Penh was again rocked by political conflict.

Renegade Prince Norodom Chakrapong, a half-brother of Ranariddh, made another attempt to overthrow the government, once more with the aid of his ally, former interior minister Gen. Sin Song.

The incident, although perceived to be of little significance, serves to underscore the volatile situation and the fragile peace existing among the contending political groups ruling the country.

International legitimacy may have come to Cambodia after the United Nations organized general elections a year ago, at a cost of nearly US$2 billion. But the stability desperately needed by the people to rebuild their society, wasted by decades of war, remains elusive. Despite brave attempts at national reconciliation, Cambodia still seems to be a country divided by factional interests.

Deep-seated suspicion, perhaps the legacy of its violent past, seems to be an inherent nature of Cambodians. Here's a country whose monarch, King Norodom Sihanouk, however much he professes to love his country, prefers to reside in Beijing and Pyongyang, returning home only for special events. His bodyguards are North Korean, his doctors are Chinese and among his coterie of advisors are a Chilean and a Thai general.

Cambodia must be the only country in the world to be governed simultaneously by two prime ministers, each having equal powers, but not necessarily having the same objectives. Imagine the consequent complications of dealing with co-ministers, co- director generals, and so forth down the line.

One diplomat discovered that if he wanted his message to have the intended effect among government officials, he had to make sure everything was delivered in duplicate.

It is true that a coalition government may have been the only way out of a deadlock at the end of last year's elections. Despite a majority win in the polls, Ranariddh and his Funcinpec party was not able to dislodge the incumbent Cambodian People's Party from the seat of government, which they had held for the past 13 years, without risking an armed conflict.

So the two biggest factions, once bitter enemies, agreed to govern side by side, their civil services and their militaries united, at least in name. "It's a recipe for a slow-boiling disaster," said a political observer, monitoring events in Cambodia.

In fact, the potential for problems is always present, particularly within the military. The new, united army, for example, is top heavy, with 67 percent of the personnel consisting of generals and colonels.

Despite commitments to align and synchronize the forces, each unit seems to keep to themselves, retaining their own chain of command, making joint operations extremely difficult, if not impossible. Diplomats say, following the disastrous assault on the Khmer Rouge headquarters of Pailin some months ago, it was revealed that most of the troops who took the brunt of the fighting were Funcinpec's and remnants of the KPNLF.

The disbursement of international aid funds is another likely bone of contention, each party vying to benefit their own people. In Phnom Penh, word got out that the police force to benefit from training provided by the French were mostly those loyal to Prime Minister Hun Sen, who led the government prior to the elections. The police force, as is the structure of the local administrations, remains mostly in the hands of former government officials.

The sharp differences, if not actual divisions within the ranks of the coalition government, sadly apply to solving the Khmer Rouge problem. The former Marxist group, notorious for the one million deaths they caused during four savage years of rule, still controls a significant portion of Cambodian territory, and as such, poses the biggest threat to national stability. Although they boycotted the elections last year, they persist in claiming their right to participate in the government "in an advisory role."

Hun Sen, a former Khmer Rouge who allied himself with the Vietnamese against the Beijing-backed Marxist group, would like to see them outlawed once and for all, preventing any chance of their returning to Cambodian society. But some Funcinpec members, who believe the Khmer Rouge problem will never be solved until they are included in the mainstream, want to leave the door open for further talks with them.

According to analysts, the strength of the Khmer Rouge has been considerably reduced to no more than about 6,000 guerrillas, but they are still a force to be reckoned with. Unlike military units belonging to the coalition government, the Khmer Rouge remain a highly disciplined and mobile force, well-armed with the latest weapons from China.

And unlike the government in power, the Khmer Rouge seem to have an endless supply of funds, originating from the rich gem- mining and timber areas they control near the border with Thailand.

Given such a precarious environment, Cambodia urgently needs help to develop its shattered economy. Close to US$1 billion pledged by industrialized countries in Tokyo before the elections have helped somewhat, but the economy has been functioning too weakly to build self-sustaining growth. What the government really wants is to attract foreign investment.

Indeed, the country's agricultural, forest, mineral and marine resources could ultimately support a substantial number of resource-processing industries. But in order to support that long-term objective, Cambodia needs to develop its war-torn infrastructure and train its work force, whose education has been disrupted by decades of continuous conflict.

This cry for help was made by Ranariddh and Hun Sen during their visit to Jakarta. "They see a great deal of similarity in Indonesia's battered political and economic situation in the 1960s and are looking for advice on how it was rebuilt," said the analyst. Ranariddh in particular, knows the Indonesian formula works for him, at least where political campaigning is concerned. It has been reported that prior to last year's elections, Funcinpec people visited Jakarta to study Golkar's winning ways.

The Cambodians have indicated they want to learn how to restructure the economy and to mobilize foreign aid effectively. High on the list is help on how to create an efficient civil service, and re-train the new military. The Cambodians, who recently established the Khmer International Relations Institute (KIRI), have also indicated interest in conducting exchanges with think tanks in Indonesia, as well as in other ASEAN countries.

Ultimately, however, it is the Cambodians who must help themselves. The big question is whether they have the political will to put their differences and their own interests aside, towards a peaceful and prosperous Cambodia.

The writer is a foreign correspondent for the Tempo news magazine.