C. Effendi Jakarta
While the majority of senior Ministry of Home Affairs officials prefer to be regarded as serious and unapproachable, Progo Nurdjaman, the director general of regional autonomy, comes across as being a friendly character who is open to suggestions.
In fact, Progo has an enormous responsibility for managing Indonesia's largest democratic experiment: Direct elections for 216 regents, mayors, and governors throughout Indonesia this year.
The success of organizing direct elections on such a scale will determine whether Indonesia has the right to be regarded as the third-largest democracy in the world after India and the United States.
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was directly elected as President last year. Now, for the first time, the people will have the chance to vote for regents, mayors, and governors.
Larry Diamond, a democracy expert from the Hoover Institute reminds us 'that democratic processes at a regional level are more likely to give rise to conflict'. Given the fact that Indonesian parties have not had a tradition of educating their supporters, it is most likely that candidates will resort to playing on people's religious, cultural, regional and language differences to win votes. Herein lies the problem.
In a country that has recently recovered from ethnic and religious conflicts, the use of primordial factors as campaign issues will only reopen old wounds.
Several issues could stand in the way of successful direct elections. Preventing the manipulation of primordial sentiments by political candidates is the most challenging task.
Primordial issues are unavoidable in Indonesia. With a hundred and one ethnic groups, five main religions, and countless dialects spoken throughout the archipelago, nothing appeals more to the uneducated population than dialog on primordial sentiments.
This type of manipulation may initially boost candidates' chances, but, in the long run, its consequences could tear the country apart. The Jakarta Post (Feb. 14, 2005) warned of possible election violence in Bandarlampung. People in the city have already begun to reorganize themselves for the election of regent.
In fact, the election law prohibits the manipulation of primordial sentiments during the campaign period. The question is whether regional elections commissions have the courage to prosecute those who violate the law.
The fact that regional elections commissions have no experience in running elections, other than under the supervision of the General Elections Commission, also gives rise to serious apprehension.
Educating the people that in a democracy there are no guarantees of a candidate's success may not be easy, particularly among fanatical supporters. Accepting the defeat of a candidate becomes more difficult if voters view that candidate as a true representation of their ethnic, religious or regional group. Conflicts between supporters of political leaders are a common phenomenon in emerging democracies. Thus, local elections can be regarded as successful if physical conflict among supporters is prevented.
Herein lies the need for a neutral, effective and trusted police force.
Regional elections commissions need to call on for support all formal and informal leaders in their districts/provinces to prevent conflict among supporters.
The success or failure of regional direct elections may be taken as an indicator of whether democracy has been successfully introduced in the provinces.
Thus, political parties and candidates must persuade their supporters that the success of the elections would be for the greater good of the people.
Progo and his colleagues in the home affairs ministry are gambling with history. The stakes may be high, but what a fantastic legacy success would be.
Failure, however, would only help those who have long demanded that the Ministry of Home Affairs loosen its grip on domestic politics.
The writer is a researcher at The Indonesian Institute, Center for Public Policy Research, Jakarta. He can be reached at cecep_effendi@yahoo.com.