Bureaucracy remains corrupt despite era of reform

Kornelius Purba, Staff Writer, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta

The Indonesian Military (TNI) and the police are often described as antireform institutions that have tried to regain their privileges after losing public trust following Soeharto's fall in 1998.

But what about the bureaucracy? Many wonder whether the bureaucracy is a stumbling block in the country's democratization and reform process. Why have corruption and red tape remained rampant, and why have public services remained poor, despite the country's more democratic administrative system?

Chairman of the 4.2 million-strong Indonesian Civil Servants Corps (Korpri) Feisal Tamin sent a strong warning to the country's politicians. All politicians, from the level of President to Cabinet members, he said, should no longer intervene in the bureaucracy's internal affairs, if they wanted cooperative bureaucrats.

Feisal, who is State Minister of Administrative Reforms, pointed out that one cause of Abdurrahman Wahid's fall from the presidency in July was his inability to get whole-hearted backup from the bureaucrats.

"(The positions of) President, Vice President, minister, governor and regent are held by politicians. They are welcome to continue, because they have the right to do so," Feisal told The Jakarta Post in an interview.

"But if, in their political position, they appoint directors general from political parties to hold first- or second-echelon positions, I am sure that psychologically (the bureaucrats) will perceive the newcomers as their enemies," he added.

Feisal, who served most of his career as a bureaucrat at the home affairs ministry, said Megawati had been well received by bureaucrats after she became Vice President from October 1999 to July this year. Megawati did not appoint any friends or members from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) as aides when she entered Merdeka Selatan Palace.

Even after replacing Abdurrahman in July, Megawati did not change the State Secretariat personnel, nor did she bring in her own aides. Bureaucrats and professional civil servants also play a key role in her Cabinet. Many of those who had enjoyed abundant privileges under Soeharto warmly welcomed her as they believed she would not disturb their own business.

Abdurrahman himself appointed his close friends, relatives and members of the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), many whom were inexperienced, as ministers and top officials during his 21-month rule. Civil servants at Merdeka Palace resisted this practice of nepotism.

"It was so different from Gus Dur (Abdurrahman's nickname), who brought in his own friends. It was very chaotic. It was so uncontrolled at Merdeka Utara (Merdeka Palace), while the situation at Merdeka Selatan Palace was just calm," Feisal noted.

Feisal also praised National Development Planning Agency (Bappenas) Chairman Kwik Kian Gie, who did not replace any personnel in the new office with his own trustees.

During his 32-year tenure, Soeharto used civil servants, half of them teachers, via Korpri, as his effective political machine by obliging them and their families to join and vote for Golkar. After his fall such an obligation was abolished and civil servants who wanted to join political parties were told to retire from their state post.

"After the issuance of the law that prohibited civil servants from joining political parties, only 133 of them opted to abandon their civil servant status," Feisal said.

Meanwhile, citing his experience as state auditor, Supreme Audit Agency (BPK) chief Satrio Budihardjo Joedono pointed out the bitter facts: Despite President Megawati Soekarnoputri's determination to create clean governance, the structure of the country's civil servants has remained unchanged since Soeharto's 32 year regime.

"The President is a reformist, many of her ministers are also reformists, as well as first-echelon officials. But don't forget the fact that most civil servants under them still work under the same system. This is a very delicate issue for the new government," Joedono said in a recent discussion with The Jakarta Post.

The promotion of Bambang Kesowo as State Secretary/Cabinet Secretary is regarded by many as the symbol of a return of the bureaucracy to its former power after being sidelined during Abdurrahman's administration.

Bambang, who spent most of his career within the State Secretariat, has openly said he would rebuild a strong state secretariat because he believes Megawati needs a powerful bureaucracy to rehabilitate the country's chaotic economy and political system.

"We bureaucrats do not have any political vested interests," Bambang hinted.

An executive of a large retailing chain in Jakarta insisted that corruption had not changed much after Soeharto's fall, except that civil servants now used more persuasive methods to extort money from businesspeople.

"To open a new shop you need at least nine permits, starting with that from the neighborhood chief up to governor level. At least Rp 10 million is needed in bribes. After that there are still so many government offices that expect money regularly, using hundreds of false pretexts," said the executive, who spoke on condition of anonymity.

It's not only civil servants however. Even legislators who represent reformist political parties are also involved in many "dirty" practices, as widely reported by the press.

A civil servant working at the House of Representatives (DPR) said legislators were even greedier than the bureaucrats, whom they often branded as prostatusquo people.

The official, who works at the office of House Speaker Akbar Tandjung, said legislators often condemned civil servants' corrupt behavior but failed to prove themselves "cleaner" than they.

"How can they control the performance of the bureaucracy if they themselves are even "dirtier" than we?" said the man.

Reform and democratization will not proceed as hoped for by the public if the parties that are expected to become the engines of change do not themselves change their ways.