Tiarma Siboro, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta

Tiarma Siboro, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta

Down but not out, is perhaps the idiom that fits the Indonesian
Military (TNI) the most after the reform movement in 1998 put an
end to three decades of undemocratic rule, placing much on
security for the sake of economic growth.

The last five years has seen TNI lying low. It has become the
punching bag of politicians and the public alike for its blind
loyalty to the past regime. The conviction this year of several
high-ranking officers for their role in the East Timor debacle in
1999, and the ongoing trial of some other top brass, in
connection with the Tanjung Priok massacre in 1984, are just a
few examples of reform's fruits at the expense of the military.

Episodes of demilitarization should have climaxed in 2000 when
the People's Consultative Assembly scrapped TNI's representation
in the legislative bodies -- its formal access to politics.

But a reversal of fate, and the art of survival of TNI, began
to unfold when the nation witnessed the third change of national
leadership within three years in 2001.

The year 2003 confirmed that TNI was marching on the right
track and ready to gain from the pains it had experienced.

The first landmark of TNI's return to fame was undoubtedly the
government's decision in May of this year to impose martial law
on Aceh, where the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) rebels have been
fighting for independence for almost the last three decades.

It canceled out all efforts to settle the separatism issue
through a dialog, which dated back to 2000, when the
administration of former president Abdurrahman Wahid accepted
mediation from the Henry Dunant Centre. There had been examples,
since the government of founding president Sukarno, when civilian
politicians allowed the military to take the lead in dealing with
conflict.

The policy also defied pressure from international donors, who
had not only facilitated peace talks but pledged a huge post-war
reconstruction fund for Aceh, and human rights watchdogs across
the world who had expressed their worry about the recurrence of
rights abuses.

Territorial integrity, the nationalistic jargon that ties both
the military and the government of President Megawati
Soekarnoputri, was the justification of the major offensive to
quell rebellion in Aceh.

No less than Rp 1.7 trillion (US$200 million) was allocated by
the government from emergency funds to finance the six-month
operation to restore security in the resource-rich province,
which involved 35,000 troops, the biggest deployment ever in the
country's history.

The government decided in November to extend the imposition of
the martial law and spend another Rp 1 trillion to finance the
operation.

The case of Aceh gave new meaning to security, which according
to the Assembly decree No. 7/2000 is the domain of the National
Police. The decree, which formally separated the police from the
armed forces, tasks the military with the job of defense.

It was Army chief of staff Gen. Ryamizard Ryacudu who insisted
that security affairs could not override the TNI's role.

Through a call on civilians, to let the military handle armed-
struggle in conflict-ridden provinces, such as Aceh and Papua,
Ryamizard asserted that even though conflicts were localized
"they should be considered threats to the state's defense".

Ryamizard voiced his remarks while peace talks between the
government and the GAM rebels were underway.

The statement coincided with the original content of the
military bill, which sparked controversy as it allowed the
military to deploy troops to certain conflict areas without prior
approval from the President, who is the TNI's supreme commander.

The government eventually revised the controversial content,
which was spelled out in Article 19, but Ryamizard's
straightforward opinion reflected the intention among the
military to regain ground, after five years of being sidelined
from the political arena.

The second apparent change in the military's role, since the
reform movement, can be seen in the defense white paper, which
specifically defines the nation's threats as coming from inside
instead of external powers.

While recommending a build-up of military strength, the
defense white paper maintains the military's territorial role,
arguing that "it is still relevant in order to develop the
country's defense", although it allows the government to strictly
monitor the implementation of TNI's territorial function in order
to prevent abuses.

In a surprising move, however, the military disclosed a plan
to withdraw troops who are currently being deployed to guard
several vital installations across the country, including the
U.S.-run gold and copper mining company PT Freeport MacMoran in
Papua.

Like Aceh, Papua is a home to separatist rebels although to a
lesser degree.

TNI Commander Gen. Endriartono Sutarto said the decision came
as a response to allegations that the military also served as
mercenaries. But some observers read between the lines, and saw
the statement as an attempt to test people's awareness of
security ahead of the 2004 elections.

TNI will no longer be represented in both the House of
Representatives and the Assembly as a result of the democratic
reform that reinstated civilian supremacy in the country.

It is oversimplification, however, to assume that TNI will
just stay away from the arena as a good spectator, or provide a
security cover for parties contesting the elections.

Like civilian politicians, the military is aware of the
critical moment next year that will determine its future.

An analyst said the elections could help the military further
improve its bargaining position because "they can provide
security and order before, during and after the polls".

In a hearing with the House in November, Endriartono warned of
security threats during the election process, ranging from
conflicts between supporters of rival parties to legal moves to
foil the elections.

In the wake of insurgency and terrorism as a global threat,
security has become the military's trump card -- which civilians
cannot deny -- and it is not a coincidence if the present
government shares the same view.

To some extent it confirms the major role the military is
playing, albeit from the back stage.