Tiarma Siboro, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta
Down but not out, is perhaps the idiom that fits the Indonesian Military (TNI) the most after the reform movement in 1998 put an end to three decades of undemocratic rule, placing much on security for the sake of economic growth.
The last five years has seen TNI lying low. It has become the punching bag of politicians and the public alike for its blind loyalty to the past regime. The conviction this year of several high-ranking officers for their role in the East Timor debacle in 1999, and the ongoing trial of some other top brass, in connection with the Tanjung Priok massacre in 1984, are just a few examples of reform's fruits at the expense of the military.
Episodes of demilitarization should have climaxed in 2000 when the People's Consultative Assembly scrapped TNI's representation in the legislative bodies -- its formal access to politics.
But a reversal of fate, and the art of survival of TNI, began to unfold when the nation witnessed the third change of national leadership within three years in 2001.
The year 2003 confirmed that TNI was marching on the right track and ready to gain from the pains it had experienced.
The first landmark of TNI's return to fame was undoubtedly the government's decision in May of this year to impose martial law on Aceh, where the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) rebels have been fighting for independence for almost the last three decades.
It canceled out all efforts to settle the separatism issue through a dialog, which dated back to 2000, when the administration of former president Abdurrahman Wahid accepted mediation from the Henry Dunant Centre. There had been examples, since the government of founding president Sukarno, when civilian politicians allowed the military to take the lead in dealing with conflict.
The policy also defied pressure from international donors, who had not only facilitated peace talks but pledged a huge post-war reconstruction fund for Aceh, and human rights watchdogs across the world who had expressed their worry about the recurrence of rights abuses.
Territorial integrity, the nationalistic jargon that ties both the military and the government of President Megawati Soekarnoputri, was the justification of the major offensive to quell rebellion in Aceh.
No less than Rp 1.7 trillion (US$200 million) was allocated by the government from emergency funds to finance the six-month operation to restore security in the resource-rich province, which involved 35,000 troops, the biggest deployment ever in the country's history.
The government decided in November to extend the imposition of the martial law and spend another Rp 1 trillion to finance the operation.
The case of Aceh gave new meaning to security, which according to the Assembly decree No. 7/2000 is the domain of the National Police. The decree, which formally separated the police from the armed forces, tasks the military with the job of defense.
It was Army chief of staff Gen. Ryamizard Ryacudu who insisted that security affairs could not override the TNI's role.
Through a call on civilians, to let the military handle armed- struggle in conflict-ridden provinces, such as Aceh and Papua, Ryamizard asserted that even though conflicts were localized "they should be considered threats to the state's defense".
Ryamizard voiced his remarks while peace talks between the government and the GAM rebels were underway.
The statement coincided with the original content of the military bill, which sparked controversy as it allowed the military to deploy troops to certain conflict areas without prior approval from the President, who is the TNI's supreme commander.
The government eventually revised the controversial content, which was spelled out in Article 19, but Ryamizard's straightforward opinion reflected the intention among the military to regain ground, after five years of being sidelined from the political arena.
The second apparent change in the military's role, since the reform movement, can be seen in the defense white paper, which specifically defines the nation's threats as coming from inside instead of external powers.
While recommending a build-up of military strength, the defense white paper maintains the military's territorial role, arguing that "it is still relevant in order to develop the country's defense", although it allows the government to strictly monitor the implementation of TNI's territorial function in order to prevent abuses.
In a surprising move, however, the military disclosed a plan to withdraw troops who are currently being deployed to guard several vital installations across the country, including the U.S.-run gold and copper mining company PT Freeport MacMoran in Papua.
Like Aceh, Papua is a home to separatist rebels although to a lesser degree.
TNI Commander Gen. Endriartono Sutarto said the decision came as a response to allegations that the military also served as mercenaries. But some observers read between the lines, and saw the statement as an attempt to test people's awareness of security ahead of the 2004 elections.
TNI will no longer be represented in both the House of Representatives and the Assembly as a result of the democratic reform that reinstated civilian supremacy in the country.
It is oversimplification, however, to assume that TNI will just stay away from the arena as a good spectator, or provide a security cover for parties contesting the elections.
Like civilian politicians, the military is aware of the critical moment next year that will determine its future.
An analyst said the elections could help the military further improve its bargaining position because "they can provide security and order before, during and after the polls".
In a hearing with the House in November, Endriartono warned of security threats during the election process, ranging from conflicts between supporters of rival parties to legal moves to foil the elections.
In the wake of insurgency and terrorism as a global threat, security has become the military's trump card -- which civilians cannot deny -- and it is not a coincidence if the present government shares the same view.
To some extent it confirms the major role the military is playing, albeit from the back stage.