Wed, 11 Sep 2002

Beyond Sept. 11

The sympathy of the global community for the victims of the horrendous attack on Sept. 11 last year in New York and Washington, America's commercial and political heartlands, was obviously overwhelming. The outpourings of sorrow and condolence and the understanding for the United States coming from all corners of the world was without parallel in that country's history. Most probably, it was the sophistication of the information technology that enabled the global community to become instantaneously aware of the horrible events that took place in New York and Washington and to follow the terrible consequences. Thanks to the professional competence of America's electronic media, the global community was moved to respond in an understanding manner towards the U.S. position.

The global community, either West or East, from the rich North or the not-so-rich South, white or colored, acted in unison in expressing their solidarity with the American people. President Megawati Soekarnoputri, on behalf of Indonesia, which has the largest Islamic community in the world, including the so-called Muslim countries, was one of the first non-Western leaders to offer this country's sympathy and solidarity to President George W. Bush.

The global community accepted Bush's statement that the Sept. 11 act of terrorism was targeted not only at the United States, but against humanity. If the leadership of al-Qaeda, which by now is established as the organization that planned and executed the Sept. 11 attacks, had calculated that those dramatic and horrifying events would trigger a massive wave of anti-American demonstrations and armed actions throughout the world as an outburst of pent-up hateful emotions, then they were proven wrong. As a matter of fact, the global community was impressed and even moved by the solidarity and resolve of the American people to overcome this calamity.

But why, then, after Sept. 11 last year, do we detect a dissipation of that great reservoir of goodwill towards the U.S. and perhaps even disillusionment? There could be many reasons, but suffice it for us here to mention just a few.

The main reason, it would seem, is the situation in the Middle East, especially the rigid U.S. role in its attempt to mediate in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It is not that the majority of people in Asia and Africa, as well as some in Europe, condone or even support the suicide bombings by Palestinian activists. Even as an instrument of the helpless, the suicidal bombings are unacceptable. But the manner in which Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon and his government intend to simply pulverize whatever is Palestinian, and to see Washington condoning such bullying tactics, has caused widespread disenchantment.

It was indeed saddening to see the tireless efforts of the well-intentioned Secretary of State Colin Powell, the first black American in that lofty position and who by now has earned himself a reputation as an understanding and compassionate statesman, to forge a working solution to the Middle East problem overruled by the macho members of the Bush administration.

A second cause of the thinning sympathy for the U.S. one year after the Sept. 11 attacks is Washington's determination to bring about a change of regime in Iraq. This phrase, of course, is a sophisticated euphemism for the American intention to remove Saddam Hussein as the Iraqi leader. If Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz in a number of well-reasoned speeches kept hammering on the theme that the U.S. should embrace the moderate Islamic community throughout the world -- including Indonesia where he once served as a U.S. ambassador -- then why is it that the moderate Islamic community is having such serious doubts about the U.S. intention to bring about a change of regime in Iraq?

Obviously not that moderate Islam loves Saddam Hussein so much. Rather, it is the argument that the marshaling of America's tremendous resources and the systematic efforts to galvanize world opinion into accepting that toppling Saddam Hussein is a justifiable act that is difficult to digest, not only for moderate Islam but for a great number of nations which are facing a host of urgent problems of their own.

The deprived peoples of the world would like to see that same intensity of determination, the same proficiency in marshaling resources and the same persuasive techniques for galvanizing world opinion be applied by the U.S. for reducing the very basic issue of poverty and environmental degradation. President George Bush should have been present at the recent World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg. He should have addressed that august meeting with the same kind of persuasive and convincing phrases that he applied in condemning terrorism. Through his appearance in Johannesburg he could have convinced the world that the U.S. as a producer of 25 percent of the world's greenhouse gases is determined to move towards a cleaner and healthier world. He could also have convinced the world that the U.S. with its tremendous resources could help the poor people of the world -- most of them in Asia, Africa and Latin America -- to gain access to clean water, inexpensive housing, basic medical care, electricity and digital education.

Of course, the U.S. cannot act alone, but it could work through the UN and a number of other organizations. What we have seen, however, was the absence of George Bush while practically all the other leaders of the Western world were there. Instead, State Secretary Colin Powell was sent and had to endure the humiliation of being hackled and booed when he delivered his speech. Of course, back in Washington he could harvest a political bonus by having accepted the role of being America's loyal and suffering public servant. Had the U.S. shown that strong commitment and willingness to fund the necessary programs for the alleviation of global poverty and environmental degradation more or less on a par with its determination to remove Saddam Hussein, most probably the reluctance to go along with Washington's act of regime change in Iraq would have been less widespread.

It is sobering to see that one year after Sept. 11, a residual level of sympathy and understanding towards the U.S. as the target of a horrendous terrorist act is still visible, certainly in Indonesia. On the other hand, however, there is a growing concern that the world's superpower appears more ready and capable of hating and toppling a leader it considers dangerous than building a better world for the millions of people who are deprived of the most basic amenities of life.