Behind TNI's support for Gus Dur
Behind TNI's support for Gus Dur
The public has been watching closely whether the Indonesian
Military has reflected resistance or support to its recent
changes. Jusuf Wanandi, the chairman of the supervisory board of
the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Jakarta,
takes a closer look at the issue.
JAKARTA (JP): There was a lot of hype surrounding President
Abdurrahman's decision to relieve Gen. Wiranto from his position
as coordinating minister for political affairs and security, with
some saying that it had created a wrong image of the Indonesian
Military (TNI) and its future role in Indonesian society.
The decision by the President has indeed put the TNI more
under civilian control. However, it was not as dramatic a measure
as was portrayed in the media; drastic steps had been taken
earlier by the President in an attempt to consolidate the TNI
with officers that were loyal to him. That is why he immediately
got the support of the TNI leadership when he removed Wiranto
from the Cabinet.
The excessive speculations about a military coup have been
mostly hot air. The warning by United States Ambassador to the
United Nations Richard Holbrooke about the consequences of a coup
was just that: a warning. This was the analysis by specialists
and observers who closely follow the political scene here,
especially relating to the TNI.
There are several reasons for TNI's support for the President.
The TNI leadership under Adm. Widodo AS has accepted the
fundamental changes that are taking place in the country toward
the establishment of democracy. This means that in the end, after
a period of transition, the TNI's political role will end,
resulting in a professional TNI under civilian control.
TNI began to make the adjustment under Wiranto's leadership,
but it did not achieve a fundamental change, because its older
leaders (Wiranto and his generation) had so many of the spoils of
the Soeharto regime, a process which continued under his
successor's B.J. Habibie.
Since their political role has been the basis of their spoils
for over 40 years (starting from when the state of emergency was
proclaimed in 1958), it has not been easy for the TNI to let it
go easily.
For instance, it took a neutral position during the general
elections in June 1999 and in the presidential elections in
October 1999. However, it was less neutral in the choice of the
new Golkar leadership in July 1998 and during the special session
of the People's Consultative Assembly in November 1998. But most
of all it has not been able to discipline its forces from abuses
of human rights and the country's laws, especially during
situations of high tension or conflict. The TNI's task is indeed
to maintain law and order. However, it has implemented this task
with rampant abuses and excesses.
Since part of these abuses were made in the last two years of
Wiranto's command, he is responsible for them. The accusations
against him are not only in regard to the abuses in East Timor
but also those that took place elsewhere, including the killings
of students at Trisakti University and the abduction of political
activists in early 1998.
These are the reasons why the TNI has lost much of the
Indonesian people's support for its continued political role.
Besides, the general trend toward democracy demands a limited TNI
role under the authority of civilians. That does not mean,
however, that the TNI will not have an important role as the
state's apparatus to maintain law and order and contribute to the
nation's unity.
However, they can only do so effectively in the future if they
become professional and are under civilian rule. Without these
changes, there will be great opposition to them from the people
and neither stability nor peace will be achieved. It will also
become a divisive issue that could split the country.
The TNI's younger generation, who are now in the second
echelon, differ from their seniors because they understand and
appreciate the social and political changes that are taking
place. They recognize that in the eyes of the public the TNI has
been compromised since they were the praetorian guards of
Soeharto. That is why they are looking for a new paradigm, a new
doctrine, a new structure and a new organization that will
guarantee TNI's professionalism.
The nature of TNI's professionalism will need to be defined by
the Indonesian people. This transformation needs the political
support of the civilian leadership and adequate financial
resources. The efforts by younger military members toward
professionalism should be supported, because only professionalism
will guarantee the unity of TNI and will give it new legitimacy,
something which is critical to keep the country together and to
maintain law and order under a democratic civilian regime.
Those two objectives are important to economic development and
solving regional conflicts, especially in Aceh and Maluku, which
are critical to national unity.
Only a regime under President Abdurrahman and Vice President
Megawati Soekarnoputri with conservative ideologies on the role
and importance of the TNI (albeit under complete civilian
control), and with a good personal rapport and trust with the new
TNI leadership under Widodo, can provide the necessary political
support and the budgetary requirements that are indispensable for
the professionalization of the TNI. This opportunity should be
used by all parties to push for reforms supporting TNI's
professionalism in the medium term.