Banser told dump legacy of militarism, mob politics

By Ainur R. Sophiaan

SURABAYA (JP): A field full of Nahdlatul Ulama members and their young troops in military fatigues assembled on a day in April to welcome their former chairman, President Abdurrahman Wahid, or Gus Dur as he is popularly known.

The minute Gus Dur's arrival was announced the 200,000 young men rushed to assume positions, and were even more frantic when he arrived.

"Quiet please!" shouted Mustofa Bisri, leader of NU's lawmaking body.

"Ful," Mustofa shouted again, referring to Syaifullah Yusuf, chairman of NU's Ansor youth organization, "it's so difficult to bring order into your ranks!"

The motley "ranks" were those of Banser, short for all-purpose troops (Barisan Serba Guna), recently in the spotlight for their "visit" to the Jawa Pos daily.

The event at Surabaya's Military District Command was the national roll call of April 23 and it was hard to distinguish Banser members from security forces of Battalion 507.

Their uniforms were almost alike, even Banser uniforms resembling those of Kopassus (special army force), Kostrad (army strategic reserves command), marines and the daily uniforms of middle-ranking officers.

"One can find uniforms resembling almost all military units within East Java's Banser," a resident said.

East Java is the traditional base of Nahdlatul Ulama, and the election campaign period two years ago saw some clashes between different political party supporters, among whom were fellow devout members of NU.

When not wearing their uniforms these young men return to their professions -- as agricultural workers, civil servants, small scale entrepreneurs, ojek (motorcycle taxi) and public transport drivers -- and even journalists.

Many members in poor areas such as in Pacitan and Trenggalek are unemployed.

Nowadays one can find Banser members in East Java anytime and on any occasion. In Bangil, Pasuruan, they help traffic police check motorcyclists' documents.

In Kalambret, Tulungagung wedding organizers employed Banser youths to guard the parking lot. In Kediri, the civilian guards were found watching over a rally by PT Gudang Garam workers.

In Banyuwangi a court hearing had to be stopped when the judges and lawyers reportedly could no longer stand the "threatening" presence of Banser guards. The hearing concerned a murder involving one of their own.

On innumerable occasions, Banser members have safeguarded candidates from the National Awakening Party (PKB, mainly comprising NU members) in the regent elections.

In Pasripan, Pasuruan, the unwritten rule among locals is that suspected thieves when caught are not handed over to the police -- but to Banser.

Ask locals in East Java who they fear more, Banser or the police, and they will invariably indicate the former.

Banser youths are much easier to find than the police, particularly when Gus Dur visits the province.

Formerly dismissed as just another youth group with a penchant for military fatigues and sometimes annoying behavior, their occupation of the Jawa Pos daily led to much criticism -- including from within NU.

People began to wonder what Banser was actually supposed to do. Criticism extended to militarism in party politics and reflections of militaristic tendencies among civilians in the country.

Yet acceptance of youth militaristic groups such as Banser, as reflected in the above examples, shows a perception among the rural population of East Java that such groups are needed.

Still, "people are beginning to think they're really overstepping sometimes," said a resident requesting anonymity.

While reliance on civilians is now being encouraged to achieve a "civil society," defense minister Juwono Sudarsono has been quoted as saying, "why are militaristic or semi-militaristic ways being used?"

At a function in Malang, guarded by Banser, members erected a tent across the road which passers-by mistook a temporary military post -- yet there was plenty of room at the boarding school (pesantren).

Banser members themselves seem to be proud of wearing the military-like uniforms and say they feel useful in helping to guard various community and NU functions.

Distrust of the law and the perceived benefits of military training to encourage discipline among young members are often quoted as reasons for joining.

In early May, Banser executives said that they had long considered changing the military uniforms but said this was not easy given that members bought most of the uniforms themselves.

Following the Banser "visit" to Jawa Pos to protest a report about alleged corruption involving NU executives, NU leaders expressed plans to change Banser's militaristic style.

Ansor's regional chairman M. Rofiq, who also chairs Banser's regional branch, says all Banser activities are still "in line" with the organization's objectives.

Banser activities must meet certain conditions, he said -- guarding an event is made at the request of an agency or an individual considered to be in need of protection, especially if he or she is an NU member. In short, the activities are justified to safeguard "public order".

"It's not true that Banser takes over police authority ... we are always under police coordination," Rofiq said, adding that "highly risky" requests for protection by Banser were not met.

Banser was set up in 1968 in conjunction with the 12th Ansor Youth Movement Congress in Jakarta a few years after the aborted coup attempt of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) and its traumatic aftermath. This involved mass killings among civilians, including youth groups such as those affiliated to NU.

In response to calls that Abdurrahman should apologize for NU's involvement, he said he has repeatedly apologized to victims' relatives in his capacity as NU leader, before he became president.

Banser was to be a medium for NU's cadre training and "character building," and as a force to "safeguard" NU's programs.

Banser's daily role was not very prominent in the decades that followed its establishment -- along with NU's fluctuating role in politics --- until NU and its leader, Abdurrahman, became increasingly involved in politics.

In Indonesia, Banser claims 520,000 members, 175,000 of whom are in East Java.

Now that Abdurrahman has become president, Banser has been repeatedly warned by NU executives that they must not ride on their leader's power. Rofiq denied that Banser was supporting Gus Dur just because he was their former leader.

"Our support is solely because Gus Dur is the legitimate president protected by the Constitution. So those who want to topple Gus Dur will face Banser," Rofiq said.

Unfortunately, Banser has difficulty in distinguishing between criticism and "efforts to topple Gus Dur."

Media people now joke that detected tendencies of self censorship against airing criticism of Gus Dur is because of the fear of a "visit" by Banser.

Indosiar private television faced the first pressure from Banser shortly after Abdurrahman became president when a comedy show on its channel made fun of Gus Dur. Following protests from NU supporters including Banser, the channel aired a number of apologies from its management and from the comedians.

A political observer from Airlangga University in Surabaya, Priyatmoko, said that the excessive measures taken by Banser increasingly reflect the past tendency to mobilize masses for political interests.

While the legacy of the New Order "should be reduced or forgotten, Banser strengthens it," he said. Like Banser, he added, similar civilian guard groups have "stifled the process of democracy."

The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan), is also known for its red and black military-style youth groups while the youth group that used to be affiliated with Golkar, Pemuda Pancasila, also sport army-style uniforms.

M. Zaidun, former chairman of the Surabaya Legal Aid Institute said mobilization of masses without a clear long-term concept and vision would give birth to a new tyranny.

It is that exaggerated role in "safeguarding" purposes, says Zaidun, that is the cause of many problems. "It is highly regrettable if each problem must be confronted with the masses," he said.

Chairman of the NU central board Hasyim Muzadi, who leads the Al-Hikam pesantren in Malang says Banser members should strongly adhere to NU's image as a religious organization which upholds ethics and the law.

Mustofa Bisri, the renown poet among NU leaders, says Banser should change its "frightening" image. "They should imitate kiai (religion teachers) or the Prophet," he said. "Be authoritative without instilling fear," he told the Banser roll call. "Authority can grow from a polite, kind and disciplined attitude," he said.

Priyatmoko said all such groups should be dissolved given that "they have become a private army and they're only for showing off."

Rofiq denies the "militarization" of civilians through Banser, saying he exercises strict control over his members.

A Banser member in Tuban was once found to be involved in gambling, he said, after which he was promptly dismissed. He also denies views that Banser has become "political."

Sulkhan, a Banser member from Malang, who works as an ojek (motorcycle taxi) driver, says he doesn't understand politics. "I just follow the order of pak Kiai," he said.