Balinese Hinduism on The Brink of Violent Conflict

Balinese Hinduism on The Brink of Violent Conflict

I Wayan Juniartha
The Jakarta Post
Denpasar

On the eve of the new year, Balinese Hinduism, the religion
adhered to by more than 90 percent of the tourist island's
population, faces its greatest challenge so far, as the majority
of its religious elite -- layman intellectuals and religious
leaders -- are divided into two opposing camps locked in a bitter
struggle over the fundamental teachings of the religion.

One camp is a loose coalition of various clan-based
organizations, sampradaya (religious schools of thought) groups
-- including those heavily influenced by Indian Hinduism such as
Hare Khrisna or Gandhian philosophy -- and progressive Hindu
scholars.

This camp is led by prominent figures like high priest Ida
Pedanda Gede Ketut Sebali Tianyar Arimbawa, I Wayan Sudirta, Putu
Wiratha, Gedong Bagoes Oka, Alit Bagiasna, Dr I Made Titib, Prof.
Dr. I Gusti Ngurah Bagus, Ketut Wiana and Made Kembar Kerepun.

The other camp comprises traditional religious leaders,
"mostly pedanda high priests from the Brahmana caste, and
traditional political figures of the ksatriya caste from various
royal houses in Bali.

High priest Ida Pedanda Gede Made Gunung, Ida Bagus Wijaya
Kusuma, I Gusti Ngurah Rai Andayana and the nobility of the Ubud
Palace are some of the ardent supporters of this second camp.

The first camp succeed in taking over the executive body of
the Parisadha Hindu Dharma Indonesia Pusat (Indonesian Supreme
Hindu Council), which for years had been largely dominated by the
second camp, in the council's five-day Mahasabha congress held
here last September.

For the first time in history, a layman was appointed chairman
of the executive body, instead of a high priest. Furthermore,
with the appointment of dozens of high priests from different
clans, the council's clerical body was no longer dominated solely
by a high priest of the Brahmana family.

The congress issued several important recommendations,
including one tasking the new council with providing services to
all elements of the Hindu community regardless of sect, caste or
school of thought. Another recommendation was that a bhisama
(religious decree) be issued to put an end to the caste system.

The ousted second camp passionately tried to defend its last
bastion; the provincial Bali Hindu Council. After two months of
preparation, this camp launched a counterstrike by holding the
Lokasabha Council meeting, which was attended by 27 high priests
and some 300 laymen representing Hindu councils in various
regencies in Bali.

Heavily guarded by some 200 pecalang traditional guards
mobilized by the Ubud Palace from at least 10 traditional
community organizations in Ubud, the one-day gathering was, in
the words of Ida Bagus Wijaya Kusuma, an effort to put the
council back in its original and intended place.

That was the reason the gathering was held at Gunung Lebah
temple in Campuhan. The temple was built by Rsi Markandya, one of
the first Indian priests who brought Hinduism to Bali. In 1961,
the area was a venue of a historic meeting of Hindu high priests,
which gave birth to the Campuhan Charter, the foundation of
modern Balinese Hinduism.

Two days later the Mahasabha Council issued a statement in
which it blatantly refused to acknowledge the existence of the
Lokasabha Council. The latter gave a symmetrical response,
stating that the Mahasabha Council had violated the basic
principles and ideals on which Parisadha was originally built
upon.

Hopefully, the struggle will renew and revitalize Balinese
Hinduism religion and tradition so that it might become more
mature and able to cope with the challenges of the modern world.

On the other hand, the souring relations between the two
camps, with each faction trying to negate the other, might lead
to self-destruction; a religious rift perhaps, or worse, a bloody
violent conflict between each camp's grassroot supporters.

This is definitely not a groundless fear, since the Lokasabha
Council has reportedly held a series of meetings with the
nobility of various palaces in Bali, and also with influential
traditional institutions, such as Desa Adat and Banjar. In those
meetings the Lokasabha Council's executives claimed that the
council's main concern was the preservation of Balinese Hinduism;
that it also tried to protect the basic foundation of the
island's culture. They also repeatedly warned the people about
those who conspire to destroy the sacred teachings of Balinese
Hinduism.

"We must remain alert since there are groups that want to
destroy our traditions, such as our tradition of sacrificing an
animal in the mecaru ceremony," a Lokasabha Council executive
warned in obvious reference to Hare Khrisna and Gandhian
religious groups that vehemently oppose the custom.

Separately, the Mahasabha Council has staged demonstrations
and media briefings.

Like any elite-introduced conflict anywhere in the world, the
grassroots usually play an innocent, passive role as bystanders.
But when the elite carelessly drag them into the center of a
conflict, then it is just a matter of time before things get
messy, particularly when everything they hold sacred is at stake.

On the surface it all seems to be a struggle between
traditional conservative and modern progressive Hindus. Yet
deeper observation reveals that it is a complex war for hegemonic
superiority over the island.

From a philosophical point of view, it is a battle between
those who believe that Balinese Hinduism must be rejuvenated,
revitalized and purified through the introduction and
popularization of sacred Indian texts and teachings, against
those who believe that any of these efforts must be based on
traditional Balinese Hinduism texts and teachings, and not on any
foreign sources.

Furthermore, it is also a struggle of several sects, such as
the Waisnawa or the Brahma, to reclaim the position they lost
some 500 years ago to the Siwa-Siddhanta sect.

But from the sociological perspective it appears to be a fight
between members of the lower caste and members of the upper
caste. The Bujangga Waisnawa clan, the Pasek clan and the Pande
clan formed an alliance in order to fight what they call the
hegemonic rule of the Brahmana clan and the Ksatriya clan.

Each clan enjoyed golden times in ancient Bali, and all claim
to be a direct descendants of influential religious or political
figures of Bali's past. The Bujangga Waisnawa clan claims Rsi
Markandya as its ancestor, Pasek clan prides itself on being
descended from Mpu Gni Jaya, while the Brahmana clan claims the
illustrious Danghyang Nirartha and Danghyang Astapaka as its
ancestors. The Ksatriyas claim to be descendants of the brave
warriors and nobility of East Java's Majapahit Empire.

The only similarity among them is that all of them consider
themselves superior to the others, thus view their own clan or
sect as the rightful spiritual or political ruler of the island.

And since the Indonesian Hindu Council and Bali Hindu Council
control various assets and properties, worth hundreds of billions
of rupiah, one would be justified in asking whether the conflict
is also economically motivated.

Put briefly, on one side are those who consider themselves the
oppressed ones: the Indian school of thought, the Waisnawa and
Brahma sects, the Bujangga Waisnawa, Pasek and Pande clans. On
the other side are those accused of being the oppressor and the
hegemonic authority for the last several hundreds years: the
traditional Balinese school of thought, the Siwa-Siddhanta sect
and the Brahmana and Ksatriya clans.

The open battle between these two sides has been taking place,
though sporadically, since the first half of this century. The
last instance took place in 1999 during the important festival of
Panca Wali Krama at Bali's biggest temple of Besakih. Tradition
deemed that two out of the three officiating high priests came
from the Brahmana clan. The first camp fought vehemently against
the tradition. In the end, equal treatment and equal chance to
preside over the ceremony was given to high priests from each
clan, thus ending the domination of high priests from the
Brahmana clan.

Now, the battle apparently has reached a critical stage. Both
sides are refusing to negotiate, and instead are mobilizing
grassroot support. The air is filled with suspicion and
insinuation -- a fertile ground for misunderstanding and violent
physical conflict.

Sadly, the battle has put many people and institutions, which
have the ability to mediate in the conflict, in such a difficult
situation that they have virtually been freezed into inaction.
Soft-spoken Bali Governor Dewa Made Beratha, who has both the
spiritual legitimacy -- his regular nocturnal sojourns to various
temples are widely known among the Balinese -- and political
legitimacy to be a mediator in the conflict, has stated
neutrality.

Furthermore, the local media, including the influential Bali
Post, have been low key in covering the conflict, afraid that the
slightest editorial blunder might spin the conflict into
something they cannot bear to imagine.

Historically speaking, an almost similar situation prevailed
in Bali some 1,000 years ago during the reign of King Udayana,
when various sects competed against each other for hegemonic
superiority over the island. Fortunately, a wise priest of the
Mahayana Buddhism sect, Mpu Rajakertha -- popularly known as Mpu
Kuturan --, who was also Udayana's most trusted advisor, succeed
in negotiating a compromise between the competing sects.

He introduced the idea of Tri Murti, which gave equal
position, respect and adoration to Brahma, Wisnu and Siwa, thus
pacify the followers of each respective deity.

Right now, there is no doubt that Bali desperately needs that
kind of figure.