Balinese Hinduism on The Brink of Violent Conflict

I Wayan Juniartha The Jakarta Post Denpasar

On the eve of the new year, Balinese Hinduism, the religion adhered to by more than 90 percent of the tourist island's population, faces its greatest challenge so far, as the majority of its religious elite -- layman intellectuals and religious leaders -- are divided into two opposing camps locked in a bitter struggle over the fundamental teachings of the religion.

One camp is a loose coalition of various clan-based organizations, sampradaya (religious schools of thought) groups -- including those heavily influenced by Indian Hinduism such as Hare Khrisna or Gandhian philosophy -- and progressive Hindu scholars.

This camp is led by prominent figures like high priest Ida Pedanda Gede Ketut Sebali Tianyar Arimbawa, I Wayan Sudirta, Putu Wiratha, Gedong Bagoes Oka, Alit Bagiasna, Dr I Made Titib, Prof. Dr. I Gusti Ngurah Bagus, Ketut Wiana and Made Kembar Kerepun.

The other camp comprises traditional religious leaders, "mostly pedanda high priests from the Brahmana caste, and traditional political figures of the ksatriya caste from various royal houses in Bali.

High priest Ida Pedanda Gede Made Gunung, Ida Bagus Wijaya Kusuma, I Gusti Ngurah Rai Andayana and the nobility of the Ubud Palace are some of the ardent supporters of this second camp.

The first camp succeed in taking over the executive body of the Parisadha Hindu Dharma Indonesia Pusat (Indonesian Supreme Hindu Council), which for years had been largely dominated by the second camp, in the council's five-day Mahasabha congress held here last September.

For the first time in history, a layman was appointed chairman of the executive body, instead of a high priest. Furthermore, with the appointment of dozens of high priests from different clans, the council's clerical body was no longer dominated solely by a high priest of the Brahmana family.

The congress issued several important recommendations, including one tasking the new council with providing services to all elements of the Hindu community regardless of sect, caste or school of thought. Another recommendation was that a bhisama (religious decree) be issued to put an end to the caste system.

The ousted second camp passionately tried to defend its last bastion; the provincial Bali Hindu Council. After two months of preparation, this camp launched a counterstrike by holding the Lokasabha Council meeting, which was attended by 27 high priests and some 300 laymen representing Hindu councils in various regencies in Bali.

Heavily guarded by some 200 pecalang traditional guards mobilized by the Ubud Palace from at least 10 traditional community organizations in Ubud, the one-day gathering was, in the words of Ida Bagus Wijaya Kusuma, an effort to put the council back in its original and intended place.

That was the reason the gathering was held at Gunung Lebah temple in Campuhan. The temple was built by Rsi Markandya, one of the first Indian priests who brought Hinduism to Bali. In 1961, the area was a venue of a historic meeting of Hindu high priests, which gave birth to the Campuhan Charter, the foundation of modern Balinese Hinduism.

Two days later the Mahasabha Council issued a statement in which it blatantly refused to acknowledge the existence of the Lokasabha Council. The latter gave a symmetrical response, stating that the Mahasabha Council had violated the basic principles and ideals on which Parisadha was originally built upon.

Hopefully, the struggle will renew and revitalize Balinese Hinduism religion and tradition so that it might become more mature and able to cope with the challenges of the modern world.

On the other hand, the souring relations between the two camps, with each faction trying to negate the other, might lead to self-destruction; a religious rift perhaps, or worse, a bloody violent conflict between each camp's grassroot supporters.

This is definitely not a groundless fear, since the Lokasabha Council has reportedly held a series of meetings with the nobility of various palaces in Bali, and also with influential traditional institutions, such as Desa Adat and Banjar. In those meetings the Lokasabha Council's executives claimed that the council's main concern was the preservation of Balinese Hinduism; that it also tried to protect the basic foundation of the island's culture. They also repeatedly warned the people about those who conspire to destroy the sacred teachings of Balinese Hinduism.

"We must remain alert since there are groups that want to destroy our traditions, such as our tradition of sacrificing an animal in the mecaru ceremony," a Lokasabha Council executive warned in obvious reference to Hare Khrisna and Gandhian religious groups that vehemently oppose the custom.

Separately, the Mahasabha Council has staged demonstrations and media briefings.

Like any elite-introduced conflict anywhere in the world, the grassroots usually play an innocent, passive role as bystanders. But when the elite carelessly drag them into the center of a conflict, then it is just a matter of time before things get messy, particularly when everything they hold sacred is at stake.

On the surface it all seems to be a struggle between traditional conservative and modern progressive Hindus. Yet deeper observation reveals that it is a complex war for hegemonic superiority over the island.

From a philosophical point of view, it is a battle between those who believe that Balinese Hinduism must be rejuvenated, revitalized and purified through the introduction and popularization of sacred Indian texts and teachings, against those who believe that any of these efforts must be based on traditional Balinese Hinduism texts and teachings, and not on any foreign sources.

Furthermore, it is also a struggle of several sects, such as the Waisnawa or the Brahma, to reclaim the position they lost some 500 years ago to the Siwa-Siddhanta sect.

But from the sociological perspective it appears to be a fight between members of the lower caste and members of the upper caste. The Bujangga Waisnawa clan, the Pasek clan and the Pande clan formed an alliance in order to fight what they call the hegemonic rule of the Brahmana clan and the Ksatriya clan.

Each clan enjoyed golden times in ancient Bali, and all claim to be a direct descendants of influential religious or political figures of Bali's past. The Bujangga Waisnawa clan claims Rsi Markandya as its ancestor, Pasek clan prides itself on being descended from Mpu Gni Jaya, while the Brahmana clan claims the illustrious Danghyang Nirartha and Danghyang Astapaka as its ancestors. The Ksatriyas claim to be descendants of the brave warriors and nobility of East Java's Majapahit Empire.

The only similarity among them is that all of them consider themselves superior to the others, thus view their own clan or sect as the rightful spiritual or political ruler of the island.

And since the Indonesian Hindu Council and Bali Hindu Council control various assets and properties, worth hundreds of billions of rupiah, one would be justified in asking whether the conflict is also economically motivated.

Put briefly, on one side are those who consider themselves the oppressed ones: the Indian school of thought, the Waisnawa and Brahma sects, the Bujangga Waisnawa, Pasek and Pande clans. On the other side are those accused of being the oppressor and the hegemonic authority for the last several hundreds years: the traditional Balinese school of thought, the Siwa-Siddhanta sect and the Brahmana and Ksatriya clans.

The open battle between these two sides has been taking place, though sporadically, since the first half of this century. The last instance took place in 1999 during the important festival of Panca Wali Krama at Bali's biggest temple of Besakih. Tradition deemed that two out of the three officiating high priests came from the Brahmana clan. The first camp fought vehemently against the tradition. In the end, equal treatment and equal chance to preside over the ceremony was given to high priests from each clan, thus ending the domination of high priests from the Brahmana clan.

Now, the battle apparently has reached a critical stage. Both sides are refusing to negotiate, and instead are mobilizing grassroot support. The air is filled with suspicion and insinuation -- a fertile ground for misunderstanding and violent physical conflict.

Sadly, the battle has put many people and institutions, which have the ability to mediate in the conflict, in such a difficult situation that they have virtually been freezed into inaction. Soft-spoken Bali Governor Dewa Made Beratha, who has both the spiritual legitimacy -- his regular nocturnal sojourns to various temples are widely known among the Balinese -- and political legitimacy to be a mediator in the conflict, has stated neutrality.

Furthermore, the local media, including the influential Bali Post, have been low key in covering the conflict, afraid that the slightest editorial blunder might spin the conflict into something they cannot bear to imagine.

Historically speaking, an almost similar situation prevailed in Bali some 1,000 years ago during the reign of King Udayana, when various sects competed against each other for hegemonic superiority over the island. Fortunately, a wise priest of the Mahayana Buddhism sect, Mpu Rajakertha -- popularly known as Mpu Kuturan --, who was also Udayana's most trusted advisor, succeed in negotiating a compromise between the competing sects.

He introduced the idea of Tri Murti, which gave equal position, respect and adoration to Brahma, Wisnu and Siwa, thus pacify the followers of each respective deity.

Right now, there is no doubt that Bali desperately needs that kind of figure.