Asia, Africa and the Non-Aligned Movement

Hafid Abbas, Jakarta

With the commemoration of the 50th anniversary of the Asian- African Conference (AAC) on April 19 to April 24 in Jakarta and Bandung, it is relevant for us to look back at the ideas and background of the AAC, which inspired the birth of the Non- Aligned Movement. What has been achieved since and how relevant is the Spirit of Bandung in response to present and future challenges?

Reflection on this could enlighten us on the way forward after the commemoration of the five-decade long Asian-African struggle.

AAC was convened during the Cold War between the two superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union. Asian and African countries decided not to get caught in the polarization between the two. They determined to create new forces, maintain their non-alignment and independence. This determination was clearly reflected in the final communique of the AAC, which was known as Dasasila Bandung or the Ten Principles of Bandung.

The Spirit of Bandung was the pinnacle of the awakening of political awareness among Asian and African leaders who indomitably positioned themselves as a non-aligned force, or the Third World, which took no sides with the First World, categorized as the capitalist world, or the Second World, known as the forces of the socialist world.

The Ten Principles include: respect for fundamental human rights and for the purposes and the principles of the Charter of the United Nations; respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations; recognition of the equality of all races and of the equality of all nations large and small; respect for the right of each nation to defend itself singly or collectively, in conformity with the Charter of the United Nations.

Other principles include abstention from the use of arrangements of collective defense to serve the particular interests of any of the big powers, and abstention by any country from exerting pressures on other countries; and refraining from acts or threats of aggression or the use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any country.

The Spirit of Bandung gave political and social reassurances to Asian-African nations aspiring for independence. They stood up and fought for freedom, free from colonialism. In Africa at that time, only five of today's 43 countries were independent, South Africa (1910), Egypt (United Arab Republic, 1922), Liberia and Ethiopia (1947) and Libya (1951).

The others were colonies of either Britain, France, Belgium or Germany. Six years after the convening of AAC the then new independent states along with other leaders of Asia and Africa built a united front to, once again, reaffirm their collective opposition to the hegemony of injustices under the two superpowers. This turned out to be the main reason for the birth of the Non-Aligned Movement, proclaimed at the first summit of the Non-Aligned Movement in Belgrade, Yugoslavia, on Sept. 1 to Sept. 6 1961.

The founders of the movement -- president Sukarno of Indonesia, Gamal Abdul Nasser of Egypt, Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, marshal Tito of Yugoslavia and Jawaharhal Nehru of India -- determined to find the best solution to ending their dependency on the superpowers. They, in unison in the framework of the movement, in one voice, one spirit and one ideal, voiced their non-alignment and denounced all forms of colonialism in line with the Spirit of Bandung.

However, in the course of its long and winding history over four decades, the movement was in a difficult situation, giving an impression of sprawling its orientation, following the breakup of the Soviet Union and its ramifications, leaving the United States the only superpower. The struggle of the movement as a force of developing countries was losing its momentum and focus, and its vitality in the international arena was ebbing.

To make things worse, summits, supposed to be convened every three years, could not take place in due time. In this kind of situation, the movement appeared to focus on uncontroversial issues, namely poverty, population, the environment, smuggling, drugs, etc.

This situation dramatically changed following the Sept. 11, 2001 terrorist attack. The movement again repositioned itself to find its place in the international arena, reactualization of its spirit to promote justice in favor of weak nations. In the case of Iraq, for instance, the movement discovered a new momentum. The movement is in the business of redefining its role in a world in which developing countries have to stand up for their sovereign rights.

President George W. Bush, when declaring war on terrorism, stated to all nations: "You're either with us or against us", which created polarization and fragmentation of political and economic forces on the basis of being an adversary or an ally. This black-and-white dichotomy, enemy or ally, represented a new predicament on the political map of Asian and African countries. Countries that lack bargaining power were easily subjugated and found it difficult to keep their independence and non-aligned stance against the pressure and hegemonic political forces. Even the United Nations, which is supposed to stand for justice and serve the interests of all nations, in many instances, was unable to maintain its impartiality.

The international political map has since changed tremendously. There is no more disparity and no new emerging force capable of contesting the mighty United States. Some observers would like to see China someday become a new superpower, one capable of challenging the United States. India in collaboration with China could have the potential to challenge the United States, but not in the near future.

The international political situation is a true challenge to the movement. During the Cold War, the movement was a vehicle for developing countries to promote their interests. The commemoration of the Asian-African Conference should be regarded the best momentum for the movement to reaffirm its commitment to promote justice, peace and the eradication of all forms of colonialism on earth.

The writer is director general for human rights protection, Department of Justice and Human Rights, Republic of Indonesia. His personal views are expressed in this article. He can be reached at hafidabbas@yahoo.com.