ASEAN's problem with Myanmar

ASEAN's problem with Myanmar

Jusuf Wanandi, Jakarta

Since its inception in 1967, ASEAN has had a dream -- the One
Southeast Asia. In 1984, its original five members invited Brunei
to join the grouping. Then Vietnam joined in 1995. At the 30th
anniversary of ASEAN in 1997 in Kuala Lumpur, Laos and Myanmar
were welcomed in. Cambodia's entrance was delayed by a year due
to its internal problems.

Expansions of ASEAN's membership always happened when
countries were ready to join. The body extended the invitation to
join without the need for any preconditions or negotiations.

The One Southeast Asia project was completed in an exuberant
mood. Unfortunately, this was followed by the 1997 financial
crisis that affected several of its members. Since then, ASEAN
development has been lackluster. Indonesia, ASEAN's informal
leader and the anchor, was hardest hit by the crisis and was in
political turmoil. Gradually, Indonesia has come back, and in the
chairmanship in 2003 it provided leadership in shaping the vision
of an ASEAN Community that encompasses economic, security and
socio-cultural aspects. However, what later became apparent was
the growing divide within ASEAN between the older members and the
newer ones. The emergence of a two-tier ASEAN could not be
prevented.

The biggest problem for ASEAN is Myanmar. The usurpation of
power by the military after the general elections of 1990, when
the NLD (National League of Democracy) party led by Daw Aung San
Suu Kyi won overwhelmingly, has become a problem for the entire
region. It has constrained ASEAN's role because the international
community could not work with an illegitimate regime that
continues to drag up excuses for its existence. In the past 15
years, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been detained for most of the
time under all kinds of charges.

The abuses by the military regime of the populace in general,
and towards the minorities in particular, are totally
unacceptable. In addition, the government has done little to
develop the country and to lessen the plight of the people. The
regime cannot hide from world attention and criticism and its
behavior also affects its neighbors. Its inability to take
responsibility to protect its people creates great stresses and
strains along the border with Thailand. It has made declarations
to eliminate the drug production and trade in the country, but
Myanmar is still one of the world's biggest sources of illicit
drugs.

In dealing with Myanmar, ASEAN has not achieved much because
of its outmoded principle of non-intervention into member
nations' affairs. This is also due to the split in ASEAN about
the attitude, the assessment of and the policies on Myanmar.

Thailand, Myanmar's closest neighbor and at one time the
champion of the so-called "constructive engagement" with the
country, has become more-or-less a defender of the regime due to
the vested interests of some of its leaders. With the growing
instability in southern Thailand, the Thai government has become
more reluctant to intervene into Myanmese affairs.

Malaysia, meanwhile, which earlier championed Myanmar's
membership of ASEAN, is now at the forefront in pushing for
change in Myanmar and in opposing its upcoming ASEAN
chairmanship.

A democratic Indonesia can no longer be close to the Myanmar
military as Soeharto's Indonesia was. It has tried to convince
the regime of the need for political change for the country's own
good and also for the sake of the region. It does not want to see
a further weakening of ASEAN due to Myanmar's chairmanship. Even
Vietnam, although it is not willing to intervene, does see the
need for Myanmar to change and to begin to implement its road map
for political development. It has also tried to persuade Myanmar
to forego its chairmanship.

Singapore has also been visible in its attempt to persuade the
military regime to realize the problems it causes for ASEAN. Both
Singapore and Malaysia have substantial investments in Myanmar
and want to see country opening up rather than increasingly
isolate itself. The Philippines, another Southeast Asian
democracy, is prepared to put some pressure on Myanmar, but its
own domestic political and economic problems have hampered
Philippine efforts.

Civil society groups and parliamentarians in ASEAN have been
much more vocal and are willing to push the issue of change in
Myanmar further. The ASEAN People's Assembly (APA) and the ASEAN
Parliamentary Caucus on Myanmar have been actively addressing the
"Myanmar problem."

There are two sides to this problem. One is Myanmar's
chairmanship of ASEAN, which it is schedule to assume in 2006. It
does not make sense for Myanmar to take the chairmanship post if
this results in the boycotting of ASEAN's international and
regional meetings by the EU and the United States. Myanmar should
take up the chairmanship when it is able to implement its plan
for political development in a credible and consistent manner.

The other problem is this plan for political development in
accordance with Myanmar's road map for change. How can ASEAN be
assured that these positive changes will happen? ASEAN has
offered to assist and to provide advice to the Myanmar regime on
this matter, making the process easier, more credible and more
acceptable to the international community.

ASEAN ISIS has had many engagements with Myanmese politicians
those still living in the country and those in exile. Contact
with the military ended with the arrests of Khin Nyunt's group.

Parliamentarians, civil society groups and the media must now
put pressure on ASEAN's governments, its political leaders and
its business elite to maximize their efforts to encourage
political change in Myanmar. This means including the NLD in the
political development process and freeing leader Suu Kyi from
house arrest.

Arguing that Suu Kyi and the NLD are passe is not credible.
The issue of change in Myanmar should be given serious attention
by ASEAN and should not be left to the rest of the international
community.

The writer is co-founder and senior fellow of the Centre for
Strategic and International Studies (CSIS).