Armed Forces faces human rights dilemma during transition period

By Aleksius Jemadu

LEEDS, United Kingdom (JP): Indonesia's delicate transition to democracy has created a dilemma for the Indonesian Armed Forces (ABRI).

With social unrest and political violence on the rise prior to the 1999 general election, ABRI appears to be bewildered by mounting criticisms of its human rights record.

The recent torture and killings of a number of alleged separatist rebels in Aceh by military members was an indication of an "anomalous situation" among the ABRI rank and file.

Military personnel seem to be caught between two equally strong pressures. On the one hand they have to do their job of maintaining security and order; on the other hand they are asked to avoid using physical force which leads to human rights violations

When such a dilemma is accompanied by a lack of self- restraint, acts of brutality can occur. Such was the case in Aceh. When a sufficient degree of determination is absent, social unrest can turn into killing fields. The latter was the case in Ambon.

The likelihood of more political violence before the general election necessitates the presence of security officials who are trained to respond effectively when public security is threatened. If security officials do their job reluctantly and without sufficient determination, there is a danger that people will not respect them and social anarchy may result.

While there is no easy solution to the military's current dilemma in maintaining political stability and public order, some policy input might be useful for the management of ABRI.

First, it is said that honesty is the best policy. Many people are not yet satisfied with the way the military leaders have accounted for the past human rights violations by its members. For instance, in its assessment on the country's 1998 human rights record, the National Commission on Human Rights attributed the poor rights protection and the backlog of unresolved rights violations to ABRI's perceived inability to act and its poor public image.

ABRI is expected to cast further light on a variety of unresolved problems: the shooting of Trisakti University students; the mid-May riots in the capital and other towns; the mysterious murder spree of around 200 Muslim clerics in East Java and rampant rights violations by troops during military operations in Aceh, East Timor and Irian Jaya.

Second, ABRI should socialize universal human rights values more actively among its members, especially the content of the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment which has been ratified by the Indonesian government.

Third, ABRI should not act alone in dealing with the separatist rebels in regions such as Aceh and Irian Jaya. Local leaders and prominent figures should be invited to develop an understanding of the real situation. Of particular importance is the latter's involvement in the development of a common policy platform along with security measures on how to deal with the rebel groups. ABRI will be in big trouble if it loses local people's support in dealing with separatist movements.

Fourth, even though ABRI is often criticized and condemned it should not lose a sincerity and commitment to maintain national unity and political stability. Amid the absence of strong and effective leadership and the rise of divisive conflict, Indonesia really needs a unifying force which can stand above all groups in society. ABRI has the honor and privilege to do that job but now with a more human touch and less with stretching muscles.

The writer is lecturer of the School of International Relations at the Catholic University of Parahyangan, Bandung. Currently he is a visiting scholar at the Department of Politics, University of Leeds, United Kingdom.