Armed Forces faces human rights dilemma during transition period
Armed Forces faces human rights dilemma during transition period
By Aleksius Jemadu
LEEDS, United Kingdom (JP): Indonesia's delicate transition to
democracy has created a dilemma for the Indonesian Armed Forces
(ABRI).
With social unrest and political violence on the rise prior to
the 1999 general election, ABRI appears to be bewildered by
mounting criticisms of its human rights record.
The recent torture and killings of a number of alleged
separatist rebels in Aceh by military members was an indication
of an "anomalous situation" among the ABRI rank and file.
Military personnel seem to be caught between two equally
strong pressures. On the one hand they have to do their job of
maintaining security and order; on the other hand they are asked
to avoid using physical force which leads to human rights
violations
When such a dilemma is accompanied by a lack of self-
restraint, acts of brutality can occur. Such was the case in
Aceh. When a sufficient degree of determination is absent, social
unrest can turn into killing fields. The latter was the case in
Ambon.
The likelihood of more political violence before the general
election necessitates the presence of security officials who are
trained to respond effectively when public security is
threatened. If security officials do their job reluctantly and
without sufficient determination, there is a danger that people
will not respect them and social anarchy may result.
While there is no easy solution to the military's current
dilemma in maintaining political stability and public order, some
policy input might be useful for the management of ABRI.
First, it is said that honesty is the best policy. Many
people are not yet satisfied with the way the military leaders
have accounted for the past human rights violations by its
members. For instance, in its assessment on the country's 1998
human rights record, the National Commission on Human Rights
attributed the poor rights protection and the backlog of
unresolved rights violations to ABRI's perceived inability to act
and its poor public image.
ABRI is expected to cast further light on a variety of
unresolved problems: the shooting of Trisakti University
students; the mid-May riots in the capital and other towns; the
mysterious murder spree of around 200 Muslim clerics in East Java
and rampant rights violations by troops during military
operations in Aceh, East Timor and Irian Jaya.
Second, ABRI should socialize universal human rights values
more actively among its members, especially the content of the
Convention against Torture and Other Cruel and Inhuman or
Degrading Treatment or Punishment which has been ratified by the
Indonesian government.
Third, ABRI should not act alone in dealing with the
separatist rebels in regions such as Aceh and Irian Jaya. Local
leaders and prominent figures should be invited to develop an
understanding of the real situation. Of particular importance is
the latter's involvement in the development of a common policy
platform along with security measures on how to deal with the
rebel groups. ABRI will be in big trouble if it loses local
people's support in dealing with separatist movements.
Fourth, even though ABRI is often criticized and condemned it
should not lose a sincerity and commitment to maintain national
unity and political stability. Amid the absence of strong and
effective leadership and the rise of divisive conflict, Indonesia
really needs a unifying force which can stand above all groups in
society. ABRI has the honor and privilege to do that job but now
with a more human touch and less with stretching muscles.
The writer is lecturer of the School of International
Relations at the Catholic University of Parahyangan, Bandung.
Currently he is a visiting scholar at the Department of Politics,
University of Leeds, United Kingdom.