Akbar Tandjung's event-filled political career grinds to halt

Kornelius Purba and M. Taufiqurrahman, The Jakarta Post, Nusa Dua/Bali

The failure of Akbar Tandjung to retain his leadership of the country's largest party, Golkar, on Sunday morning, made him the last of four people publicly regarded as leaders who became "victims" of the nation's early taste of democracy following the departure of strongman Soeharto.

Along with Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid, Megawati Soekarnoputri, and Amien Rais, Akbar was highly regarded as a leading figure in the era reformasi, despite his own credentials as one of Soeharto's disciples. His three colleagues had fought earlier to oust Soeharto, and Akbar joined them after the five- star general's fall. Gus Dur lost his presidential seat in July 2001 -- less than two years after he won it -- due to his erratic and confrontational maneuvers.

The then-vice president Megawati replaced him. Megawati was regarded as a perfect symbol of resistance against Soeharto, and her Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) won the largest share of legislative seats in the 1999 general election. Megawati lost to Gen. (ret) Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in the country's first direct presidential election recently. Her party earlier lost to Golkar in the April legislative election, mostly because of people's disappointment in her. In the party's congress in March next year, Megawati should brace for a fate not unlike that of Akbar's.

Amien, who was the People's Consultative Assembly speaker for five years until this October, and the most outspoken leader against Soeharto, lost his last chance to lead the country in the first round of the presidential election in April. Akbar himself was highly applauded for his achievement in transforming Golkar from Soeharto's political machine to a more democratic and modern party. Just six years after Soeharto's fall, the party holds the most seats in the House.

And for Susilo, Akbar's fall may prove very helpful in creating a stronger government. With Golkar now under Vice President Jusuf Kalla's control, he is pretty much assured of 128 more votes in the 550-strong House of Representatives. The Nationhood Coalition, a group of political groups including Golkar and the second biggest party, the PDI-P, has declared itself as an opposition against Susilo's smaller People's Coalition. It is hoped that Akbar's departure also means that Susilo can more rapidly make good on his promises to improve the lot of Indonesians.

What gave Kalla the edge over Akbar? And what will be the most important agenda for Golkar in the next five years?

There are strong rumors among congress participants that money played a crucial role in Kalla's victory. But, in the "eloquent" words of Akbar, corruption is like a fart -- it is easily detected by its smell, but no one can see it. Up until Friday, it seemed that no one could defeat Akbar, as reflected by the congress participants' thunderous applause at his address and a documentary film depicting his dedication and hard work for the party.

Kalla was even regarded by many as a traitor, because he became Susilo's running mate in the presidential race without Golkar's official approval, and he was nominated by Susilo's Democratic Party.

On Friday evening, Kalla invited the participants to see him in a separate hotel. The representatives of provincial and regental chapters seemed cheerful after the meeting -- indeed, one might have mistaken them for holidaymakers. However, on Saturday morning, the presence of businesspeople around the congress venue became more evident.

"Akbar asked us to listen to our hearts, but Kalla gives us vitamins," said a participant from Sumatra. During this election year, "vitamins" and "nutrition" have widely been used as informal codewords for material gain, mainly cash.

But of course money is not the only factor. Power is also a strong magnet. Akbar's camp continued to use cheap practices to block Kalla's candidacy, honing in on his supposed betrayal of the party, for instance.

Golkar has had power in its grip for many years, particularly during the Soeharto era, and shows little interest in being an opposition party. Golkar figures have controlled 22 of the country's 33 provincial legislative councils and those of most regencies, including the speakership. But, since 1999, the nation's presidency has fallen into the hands of other parties. Kalla is now the closest to the highest executive power; while Akbar may never be able to satisfy his hunger for power.

As of next year, voters in 34 provinces and more than 400 regencies and municipalities will, for the first time, directly elect their leaders. Golkar figures are among those eyeing hundreds of lucrative positions.

Akbar's promise to win the presidential election in 2009 has made little impression on the party's regional leaders. After all, with Susilo in power for less than three months, 2009 seems a long way off. They are more interested in regional leadership seats. They need Kalla to use his position as vice president to boost their chance in the forthcoming local races.

That was one reason why they were so forceful in demanding that the congress outline comprehensive strategies to win the regional elections.

Can Kalla effectively manage both his government and party position? Although he has appointed Agung Laksono as his deputy, Agung is also busy with his own agenda in the House. Already, it has been suggested that the vice president's additional power could trigger conflicts with the President, and Kalla may well have gained the upper hand in the government's daily activities.

Kalla's new position may have brought with it a more stable government, but will that also mean more effective and cleaner governance?