Akbar Tandjung, not your usual political lightweight

JAKARTA (JP): Going through his official resume, one would be forgiven for dismissing Akbar Tandjung, the new Golkar chairman, as a political lightweight. But this is not necessarily the case.

A politician in its truest sense of the word, Akbar was involved in many of the crucial decisions at past Golkar congresses, and at past meetings of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR). But he has worked mostly behind the scenes.

His two previous political mentors, former Golkar chairman Sudharmono and former president Soeharto, saw Akbar as a skilled administrator and a highly able organization man. And they could count on his unflinching loyalty.

Sudharmono recruited Akbar as his deputy secretary-general when he chaired the political organization from 1983 to 1988.

Then Soeharto enlisted Akbar to serve in his cabinet. In 1988/1993, he was state minister of youth affairs and sports. In 1993/1998, he served as state minister of housing and settlements.

When Soeharto was reelected last March, Akbar was again asked to serve in the cabinet, keeping his old housing portfolio.

Given his administrative and organizational qualities, and political skills -- he played a vital role in the MPR meetings both in 1993 and 1998 -- one wonders why Akbar was not given more important cabinet posts by Soeharto. As a state minister, Akbar was kept on the fringes of power, one reason why he has always been widely regarded by many as a political lightweight.

But when B.J. Habibie took power in May, Akbar's political capabilities were exalted, and he was moved into the inner circle as the powerful minister/state secretary for the new president.

As head of the State Secretariat, Akbar has direct access to the president and controls the guest lists. His cabinet position makes him the chief spokesman for the new government, the person who articulates Habibie's policies.

Akbar disclosed to Gatra magazine that he was also involved in the process of selecting the members of Habibie's cabinet.

Yesterday he became the first chairman of Golkar to be elected by a secret ballot, beating former defense minister Gen. (ret.) Edi Sudradjat.

Time will tell whether he has the political savvy to lead Golkar, whose very existence is now being questioned because of its past association with Soeharto.

Golkar remains influential today only because of the sheer number of seats it still controls in the House of Representatives and the People's Consultative Assembly. But it is doubtful if the organization that only officially became a party yesterday will remain relevant after the next general election. This is one of the main challenges facing the new leadership under Akbar.

Whether or not Akbar quits his powerful cabinet post, it is unclear if he can be his own man, a quality that is missing from his resum. In the past, he had always served a mentor. Exactly who is his mentor now is also unclear: Some say it is Habibie, others suggest the Armed Forces (ABRI).

Born as Djanji Akbar Zaharuddin Tandjung in Sibolga, North Sumatra, on Aug. 14, 1945, Akbar decided on a political career as early as his student days at the University of Indonesia.

He moved to Jakarta halfway through his senior high school study in 1962, and joined the Faculty of Technology of the state- run university in 1964.

In a press interview, Akbar once recalled that he entered the university at a time when every student was expected to join one of the many political organizations that had established bases in campuses.

He chose the Association of Moslem Students (HMI), and poured his energy into the organization. One of the reasons why he took his time to complete his study was because he was too busy playing politics. He only graduated in 1983.

Akbar is a member of what is known as the "Exponents of 1966", a term used to describe student activists whose street protests led to the downfall of Sukarno and the ascent to power of Army general Soeharto.

His political activism kept him at the School of Technology of the University of Indonesia in Jakarta for many years after most of his colleagues had moved on into their working careers.

In between, Akbar served HMI chairman from 1972 to 1974, chairman of the Indonesian Young Generation for Renewal (AMPI) from 1978 to 1979, and as chairman of the Indonesian National Youth Committee (KNPI) from 1978 to 1981.

He has been a member of Golkar since his student days, and worked his way up the political ladder through the various youth and student organizations he joined.

His first major break in Golkar came when he was appointed deputy secretary-general in 1983 after helping Sudharmono get elected to the chairmanship.

His political career continued to rise, albeit slowly, since then, with postings in three consecutive cabinets in 1988, in 1993 and again in 1998 under Soeharto.

He chooses his words very carefully and has never painted his former mentors in a bad light, at least not in public. One will need to look very hard for even the slightest hint of criticism at Soeharto, even after his May resignation.

In contrast Sarwono Kusumaatmadja and Siswono Yudohusodo, his former cabinet colleagues and fellow student activists from the mid-1960s, became staunch critics of Soeharto's policies.

Akbar was one of the 14 members of the cabinet who wrote to Soeharto on May 20 stating that they were not willing to serve in his cabinet anymore. Soeharto resigned the next day.

Gatra said Akbar cried when he signed the letter.

Akbar married late in his life, at 35 years old, a factor which again he attributed to his political activities. He met his wife, Krisnina Maharani from Surakarta, Central Java, when he was active in KNPI. The couple now have three children.

A political lightweight he may be, but one must not underestimate Akbar's organizational and administrative skills. His behind-the-scene maneuvers certainly helped him win the Golkar chair.

He may also be a great strategist. He has listed chess among his favorite pastimes. (emb)