Akbar Tandjung, not your usual political lightweight

Akbar Tandjung, not your usual political lightweight

JAKARTA (JP): Going through his official resume, one would be
forgiven for dismissing Akbar Tandjung, the new Golkar chairman,
as a political lightweight. But this is not necessarily the case.

A politician in its truest sense of the word, Akbar was
involved in many of the crucial decisions at past Golkar
congresses, and at past meetings of the People's Consultative
Assembly (MPR). But he has worked mostly behind the scenes.

His two previous political mentors, former Golkar chairman
Sudharmono and former president Soeharto, saw Akbar as a skilled
administrator and a highly able organization man. And they could
count on his unflinching loyalty.

Sudharmono recruited Akbar as his deputy secretary-general
when he chaired the political organization from 1983 to 1988.

Then Soeharto enlisted Akbar to serve in his cabinet. In
1988/1993, he was state minister of youth affairs and sports. In
1993/1998, he served as state minister of housing and
settlements.

When Soeharto was reelected last March, Akbar was again asked
to serve in the cabinet, keeping his old housing portfolio.

Given his administrative and organizational qualities, and
political skills -- he played a vital role in the MPR meetings
both in 1993 and 1998 -- one wonders why Akbar was not given more
important cabinet posts by Soeharto. As a state minister, Akbar
was kept on the fringes of power, one reason why he has always
been widely regarded by many as a political lightweight.

But when B.J. Habibie took power in May, Akbar's political
capabilities were exalted, and he was moved into the inner circle
as the powerful minister/state secretary for the new president.

As head of the State Secretariat, Akbar has direct access to
the president and controls the guest lists. His cabinet position
makes him the chief spokesman for the new government, the person
who articulates Habibie's policies.

Akbar disclosed to Gatra magazine that he was also involved in
the process of selecting the members of Habibie's cabinet.

Yesterday he became the first chairman of Golkar to be elected
by a secret ballot, beating former defense minister Gen. (ret.)
Edi Sudradjat.

Time will tell whether he has the political savvy to lead
Golkar, whose very existence is now being questioned because of
its past association with Soeharto.

Golkar remains influential today only because of the sheer
number of seats it still controls in the House of Representatives
and the People's Consultative Assembly. But it is doubtful if the
organization that only officially became a party yesterday will
remain relevant after the next general election. This is one of
the main challenges facing the new leadership under Akbar.

Whether or not Akbar quits his powerful cabinet post, it is
unclear if he can be his own man, a quality that is missing from
his resum. In the past, he had always served a mentor. Exactly
who is his mentor now is also unclear: Some say it is Habibie,
others suggest the Armed Forces (ABRI).

Born as Djanji Akbar Zaharuddin Tandjung in Sibolga, North
Sumatra, on Aug. 14, 1945, Akbar decided on a political career as
early as his student days at the University of Indonesia.

He moved to Jakarta halfway through his senior high school
study in 1962, and joined the Faculty of Technology of the state-
run university in 1964.

In a press interview, Akbar once recalled that he entered the
university at a time when every student was expected to join one
of the many political organizations that had established bases in
campuses.

He chose the Association of Moslem Students (HMI), and poured
his energy into the organization. One of the reasons why he took
his time to complete his study was because he was too busy
playing politics. He only graduated in 1983.

Akbar is a member of what is known as the "Exponents of 1966",
a term used to describe student activists whose street protests
led to the downfall of Sukarno and the ascent to power of Army
general Soeharto.

His political activism kept him at the School of Technology of
the University of Indonesia in Jakarta for many years after most
of his colleagues had moved on into their working careers.

In between, Akbar served HMI chairman from 1972 to 1974,
chairman of the Indonesian Young Generation for Renewal (AMPI)
from 1978 to 1979, and as chairman of the Indonesian National
Youth Committee (KNPI) from 1978 to 1981.

He has been a member of Golkar since his student days, and
worked his way up the political ladder through the various youth
and student organizations he joined.

His first major break in Golkar came when he was appointed
deputy secretary-general in 1983 after helping Sudharmono get
elected to the chairmanship.

His political career continued to rise, albeit slowly, since
then, with postings in three consecutive cabinets in 1988, in
1993 and again in 1998 under Soeharto.

He chooses his words very carefully and has never painted his
former mentors in a bad light, at least not in public. One will
need to look very hard for even the slightest hint of criticism
at Soeharto, even after his May resignation.

In contrast Sarwono Kusumaatmadja and Siswono Yudohusodo, his
former cabinet colleagues and fellow student activists from the
mid-1960s, became staunch critics of Soeharto's policies.

Akbar was one of the 14 members of the cabinet who wrote to
Soeharto on May 20 stating that they were not willing to serve in
his cabinet anymore. Soeharto resigned the next day.

Gatra said Akbar cried when he signed the letter.

Akbar married late in his life, at 35 years old, a factor
which again he attributed to his political activities. He met his
wife, Krisnina Maharani from Surakarta, Central Java, when he was
active in KNPI. The couple now have three children.

A political lightweight he may be, but one must not
underestimate Akbar's organizational and administrative skills.
His behind-the-scene maneuvers certainly helped him win the
Golkar chair.

He may also be a great strategist. He has listed chess among
his favorite pastimes. (emb)