After 2nd memorandum, what next?
By William Chang
PONTIANAK, West Kalimantan (JP): The recent second memorandum of censure issued by the majority of legislators against President Abdurrahman Wahid brings about more social political divisions and, hence, increased uncertainty.
Meanwhile, the government has not made any significant progress in reforming socioeconomic conditions. Some say the situation is worsening because many officials do not know what should be done.
West Kalimantan Governor Aspar Aswin, for instance, has obviously appointed all his personnel from the New Order period to key positions. New faces have had no opportunity to fill in jobs because of the strong influence of those in the former bureaucracy. Like an epidemic, corruption grows as rapidly as before. One Indonesian, on her trip to Australia, had to bribe an official at the Pontianak airport a sum of Rp 100,000 to be able to take her valuables.
Public reaction to this "reform regime" is highly cynical given the failure so far to reach socioeconomic and political improvements. In the absence of meaningful control of the central government, local officials can do whatever they want without paying attention to civil law.
Pontianak's court is among the courts well known for allegedly "commercializing" justice. And what is Jakarta's reaction? How can Jakarta seek and manage effective ways to overcome such problems in this huge country?
After the second memorandum, what next? President Abdurrahman tried to respond to the memorandum shortly after it was issued, but politicians said the response did not touch the core of the problem. All Cabinet members say they entirely support Abdurrahman's government, yet disputes among politicians continue. What can be done in the two weeks prior to the President's deadline to officially respond to the second memorandum?
The inevitable question is: Who has the right to make a political decision for the future of a country with 200 million people? A handful of politicians? Is the House of Representatives the only body to that can make such a decision? Is every member really a representative of all Indonesians, from Sabang to Merauke?
Their professionalism is in doubt because of, in the case of many members, their poor socioeconomic and political backgrounds. Not all legislators have sufficient experience for their posts, let alone hold clear political orientation or political ethics; some only seem to be making the best of their posts to improve their earnings.
Two years after the collapse of the New Order government, the new administration and the legislature have not shown their good will and ability to work with each other.
These two important political instruments should play a key role in improving people's daily lives. They have spent so much time investigating less urgent political cases, but have forgotten to solve big criminal cases that have inflicted great financial losses. Some of the accused in this country can continue to live as if in heaven, while the country's stability is far from guaranteed.
The uncertainty has led to the slowing down of socioeconomic activities. Local and foreign investors are reluctant to invest without certainty of what may happen in the near future. Capital flight has taken place since Soeharto's downfall because most foreign investors realized the atmosphere was becoming highly unstable. The riots in May 1998 in Jakarta and other cities showed how problems could explode at any moment.
What will happen at the end of May does not depend on the House alone, since not all Indonesians trust this body -- which is displaying a tradition of unfair politicking.
Political reform should prioritize legal enforcement. Indonesians have had enough of political disputes -- they want real and just socioeconomic and political betterment.
Now is the time to stop conflicts, and start fighting against high class cunning corruptors, the system inherited from the New Order and all parties who have inflicted loss among the people.
The writer is a social and political observer in Pontianak.