Acehnese hold little hope for elections in war-torn province
Nani Farida and Ridwan Max Sijabat, The Jakarta Post, Banda Aceh/Jakarta
While the provincial government has predicted Aceh's elections will run successfully, many Acehnese are pessimistic they will be democratic or deliver a desired outcome.
Authorities have given assurances of free and fair elections, which begin in the province on April 5. However, many Acehnese say it will be impossible for the military, which has never practised democracy, to run democratic elections under martial law.
Iskandar, 45, resident of Kuta Alam in the provincial capital of Banda Aceh, said he was uninterested in the general elections. Previous elections had not improved day-to-day life in the troubled province, he said.
Forty-year-old Muhammad Jamal, a resident of Banda Aceh's Lamlagang, agreed. Many Acehnese greeted the elections unenthusiastically because they had long been forced to stay quiet, he said.
"Long before the launch of the military operations (against the Free Aceh Movement, or GAM) last June, we were prohibited to express our aspirations. The more people make a noise, the more they are killed or arrested," Muhammad said.
"Like others, I will probably go to the ballot booth to cast my vote -- but I am not doing it of my own free will. If I don't vote, I am considered a supporter of GAM," he said.
People had no chance to exercise their political rights since the recent exodus of observers, who were accused by the authorities of conspiring with the separatists and their supporters.
"Many people have been frightened by a recent incident where a North Aceh resident was killed after speaking to a private TV station. We have no (political) parties to share our grievances with and, therefore, it is better to remain silent," he said.
Tuti, a 25-year-old student of Syiah Kuala University, said, if they had the choice, most Acehnese wouldn't participate in the elections. It did not matter which party won the elections as none could solve the deep-seated troubles in the province.
Refugees who occupy mosques and Islamic boarding schools in Bireuen and Lhokseumawe said they were not confident they could safely return home and vote as they did in the previous elections.
"We are taking refuge here to avoid arrest from the security authorities and because we are longer confident in the government," said a refugee, who asked for anonymity.
The number of refugees has decreased drastically to 5,300 from about 35,000 at the beginning of the military operation.
GAM's strong influence in the province meant only a half of all voters participated in the 1999 elections. At least 30 percent of the province's legislators were appointed by the province's General Election Commission (KPU) on the basis of the 1997 election results.
A human rights activist who has monitored conditions in Aceh from Jakarta, said observers were skeptical of democratic and fair elections under the existing state of emergency.
"The General Election Commission will not be able to maintain their independence in organizing the elections... because the military emergency administration has complete authority in line with the 1959 emergency law 'to engineer a successful election'," the activist, who asked to remain nameless, said.
"And like previous elections, these are certain to install illegitimate and corrupt legislators and governments."
As in elections during the New Order era, several political parties, including Golkar and the United Development Party (PPP), were cooperating with the military to ensure they won as many votes as possible, he said.
The KPU has divided the province into eight electoral districts for provincial and legislative seats and two districts for House of Representative seats. It has depended on the Army to organize the elections.
Oto Syamsuddin, a sociologist at the Syiah Kuala University in Banda Aceh, observed that Golkar, the PPP and the ruling Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) were forming alliances in the region -- along with other smaller military- linked parties.
"Both the military and political parties will defend their common interests to maintain a unified Indonesia. The military has security business that has cost the state more than Rp 1.3 trillion while Golkar, the PPP and the PDI-P are eyeing the province's rich resources," Oto said.
The military and police had formed militia groups that would be mobilized during the election campaign to support political parties and to drive people to ballot booths.
"Even in East Aceh locals feel safer holding the membership cards of military-linked parties than the holding red-and-white identity cards," he said.
Locals would feel threatened by the increased military presence and vote for the establishment, whatever their views. Those who refused to vote would be considered supporters of the separatists, he said.
Oto said Golkar could harness the military emergency to have a good chance of winning the provincial elections. Incumbent governor Abdulla Puteh was a Golkar member and the party had strong support among members of the bureaucracy and employees of mining and fertilizer companies.
However, some religious leaders and voters in rural areas were fanatic supporters of the PPP, he said.
Oto was pessimistic the military regime was ready to demilitarize secure electoral districts.
"If the military is committed to a democratic process, it should agree to a cease-fire with GAM during the elections and respect the people's right to cast their votes -- or not vote.
"It should also let voters reject problematic candidates in their efforts to form a democratic government -- as is stipulated in the last agreement (on Aceh) mediated by the Henri Dunant Center," he said.
Eyebox:
"It is difficult for us to be independent in organizing the elections because a part of the election budget comes from the martial administration and the local political elite," says Syarifah Rahmatillah, a member of the Aceh provincial chapter of the General Elections Commission.
Photo: Acehnese people pay no attention to calls for them to vote in the elections.