Aceh: Toward new political arena?

Aceh: Toward new political arena?

By Aboeprijadi Santoso

GENEVA (JP): There was an air of growing optimism after the
talks on Aceh in Switzerland last week. Aceh seems to be moving
toward a new game and leaving the military battle. Is the
momentum of violence now passed?

The fifth talks between the Indonesian government and
representatives of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) on Aug. 5 and 6
-- the second since the signing of the May 12 Humanitarian Pause
accord -- was held at Bavois castle, 70 kilometers from Geneva.

The talks, facilitated by the Swiss-based Henry Dunant Center,
included four members of the joint committees on Aceh.

After a truce period of two months and three days starting
June 2, significant improvements seemed to be lacking. Yet in
Bavois there was some optimism. First, the two sides agreed that
efforts must be taken to return the Acehnese refugees safely.

Second, as outlined in the joint statement, they were
"strongly inclined" to extend the truce and will decide on this
before the end of the month. The ground rules, which had been too
hastily prepared in June, were improved. Third, they remain
committed to enter the political phase to discuss the future
status of Aceh.

Violent incidents and the victims of these incidents have been
reduced, but the flow of refugees has significantly increased,
which means, more than anything else, that a greater portion of
the people in some districts in North and East Aceh do not trust
the truce. While many of them were true refugees, some might have
become political pawns. But the total number is considerable,
reaching 25,000 to 35,000 people.

Yet both sides seemed hopeful. "Thousands of refugees in
Tapaktuan, for example, had been returned home safely," said the
RI chief delegate, Hassan Wirajuda. The Aceh-based joint
committees are now directed to proactively engage in the
resolution of the problem.

The GAM delegation led by M. Hasan di Tiro, also expressed
relief. "Yes, we are optimistic," said its negotiator Zaini
Abdullah, "because what we have agreed includes attempts to
reduce the domestic refugees. There is a guarantee that the
Acehnese nation will no longer be threatened or suffer under the
criminal acts of the Indonesian Army. You know, people ran away
as soon as they saw military uniforms!"

The refugee problem in Aceh has worsened over the last two
years as fear of the Army's repression has become widespread
resulting in greater popular sympathy for GAM. As a result, this
phenomenon has become a sensitive issue with both RI and GAM
interested in extending the truce. "We very much wanted it, as
did the Indonesians," Zaini said.

As pressure mounted from various sectors of Acehnese society
-- local civil servants, intellectuals, nongovernmental
organizations and Muslim clerics -- the truce extension seems
imperative as well as inevitable.

In the next phase of talks on the future of Aceh, Wirajuda was
even more upbeat. "The discussion on substantive political issues
can be conducted even before January. I'm optimistic the other
side will respond that way too".

Indeed GAM's Zaini Abdullah seemed ready, stating that
"despite everything, we had taken initiatives and made approaches
in order to achieve a solution."

So, the two sides will meet again soon to formally extend the
truce. If the talks proceed before the end of the year, no doubt
conditions in Aceh should be significantly improved based on the
high expectations of the parties involved. Consequently, the next
truce period will be crucial.

Even now, however, conditions since the truce have led to
sharp debates in Bavois. "Most crucial were elements that were
not covered by the (accord), but actually happened like flag
raising on the part of GAM in July, extorting money as well as
the pressures directed to our local governments. These matters
are very political in nature and not governed by the (accord),
but could lead to tensions," Wirajuda explained.

Most regretted was the increasing number and suffering of the
refugees, which reflects what is at stake. "We had a debate
(because) we wondered whether it was a response to the local
situation (of insecurity), or a part of the game to provoke
people to move to other villages. Indeed, there were attempts to
prevent the refugees from returning home," said the chief
delegate for Indonesia.

It is this ongoing refugee problem that may be crucially
linked to problems of military repression. It may affect the
political interests of the parties and could threaten the truce.
While both sides are concerned about tensions created by moving
armed units, the accord only bans military attacks and limits
activities beyond policing duties.

Law enforcement should be the key, Wirajuda insisted.
Therefore, the accord does not mention anything about limiting
the deployment of such units at any time and place.

While this poses some difficulties for GAM, for the government
side it is a basic condition for the truce. Since this was the
premise of the accord, "we cannot accept (GAM's) proposal to
reduce our troops. And the police should function normally, so
round-ups, road blocks and sweeps to catch criminals are allowed.
But certainly not military offensives against the other side,"
Wirajuda said.

GAM's concerns are focused on the presence and actions of the
Indonesian Military and police. Asked why he was hopeful about
the return of the refugees, Zaini told Radio Nederland: "They
(the TNI) continue to add troops from outside (non-organic
units), which has reached more than 30.000, including 600
marines. But nonetheless, they have promised not to repeat the
crimes in the past. At least they are now prepared to reduce the
violence." GAM also raised the issue of TNI presence at vital
sites like the Exxon oil refineries, but this too is not ruled
out by the accord.

Zaini was aware, though, that a number of armed units were not
sanctioned by the accord. So GAM has to take the chance. "If they
attack us, we, the Acehnese nation and GAM, will have to defend
ourselves. They (the TNI) realize how much they have suffered. So
they will think twice. That's why they now come to negotiate."

Zaini -- a former physician in Medan who was persecuted by the
TNI in the late-1970s -- concluded that both sides have come to
realize the human cost of the conflict. But he insisted, GAM
continues to strive for the independence of Aceh. "In 1945, the
Dutch left the sovereignty over Aceh -- of which they never had
anything legal on paper -- to Indonesia."

So, he thinks, GAM has a case for the United Nations. "Like
East Timor, that's the middle way to resolve (Aceh)". Asked if
GAM has worldwide support, like the East Timorese proindependence
front CNRT, Zaini did not sound convincing. "Sure, we have them,
but we cannot mention it now because they have embassies (in
Jakarta). Besides, if their interests (in Aceh) cannot be
protected, they will turn on us someday."

When pressed a little further, Zaini failed to mention even
one state that recognizes GAM. "Sorry, it's a secret".

In contrast, an Asian diplomat in Geneva pointed out that
under President Abdurrahman Wahid, Indonesia has received strong
support for its territorial integrity.

Recently in Bangkok, he said, "there was first a
reconfirmation from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
(ASEAN), then from ASEAN+3 (Japan, China, South Korea) and
finally from the ASEAN Regional Forum, which includes the United
States, European Union, Russia and Mongolia, Australia and New
Zealand. That includes all five permanent members of the UN
Security Council."

With the truce to be extended, "the conflict has now shifted
from a military to a political/diplomatic theater," Wirajuda
concluded.

Incidentally, but significantly, GAM's guerrilla commander,
Abdullah Syafeii, also claimed that "now Aceh's struggle for
independence no longer depends on guns or wars, but more on
diplomatic and political efforts. With the pause, we are half way
to Aceh's freedom."

While GAM have put their cards on the victims and the
suffering under TNI repression, including the plight of the
refugees, the Indonesian side has only just started efforts to
regain local confidence, while maintaining the TNI's presence.

The political battle is now expected to focus on the refugees
and the local civil society. The truce will increasingly depend
on the conditions, not in Bangkok or Bavois, but in Aceh.

The writer is a journalist based in Amsterdam, the
Netherlands.