ABRI still plays vital role

ABRI still plays vital role

If there is one institution in modern Indonesia which towers
above all others in importance, it is the Armed Forces. The
Indonesian Armed Forces constitutes an institution that is far
more than a standing force with a command structure; it is the
soul of the nation and the largest political organization in the
country. -- Michael R.J. Vatikiotis

JAKARTA (JP): That is how Far Eastern Economic Review
journalist Vatikiotis describes the Indonesian Armed Forces
(ABRI) in his 1993 book Indonesian Politics Under Soeharto.

The question is: To what extent does his observation hold,
given the changes that have taken place in national politics
since ABRI's conception 50 years ago?

Looking back, it is undeniable that the nation owes a lot to
ABRI in fighting for and maintaining the unity of the republic.

"In the history of the republic's political reality, I have
yet to see any organization which can match ABRI's high
competence and ability, particularly when it concerns discipline
and nation-building," says Juwono Sudarsono, deputy governor of
the National Resilience Institute.

Juwono, who is also a professor in political science at the
University of Indonesia, is not exaggerating. History shows that
when the country was riddled by crisis, the Armed Forces came to
the rescue.

Take for example the second Dutch aggression at the end of
1948, when the Dutch military arrested president Sukarno and vice
president M. Hatta in Yogyakarta. The Dutch then announced
through radio and pamphlets that the Indonesian republic no
longer existed.

Guerrilla

However, the Army, led by Gen. Soedirman, refused to give in
and launched a guerrilla war. The Army even expressed regret over
the "feeble" attitude of Bung Karno and Bung Hatta, who turned
down Sudirman's call for a guerrilla war.

In March, 1949, an army unit led by Lt. Col. Soeharto,
attacked Yogyakarta. Although the unit succeeded in occupying
Yogyakarta for only six hours, the move was enough to stun the
world. It was proof that Indonesia was sovereign, even though its
two leaders, Bung Karno and Bung Hatta, were in detention.

The incident was crucial in Indonesia's campaign to win
international support to force Dutch recognition of Indonesian
sovereignty.

In the 1950s, when the young nation was rocked by various
regional rebellions, it was also the Armed Forces which prevented
the nation from disintegrating. The PRRI/Permesta rebellions in
Sumatra and Sulawesi, the DI-TII movements in Aceh, West Java and
Sulawesi, were all crushed.

When the government nationalized Dutch companies in 1957 and
1958, it was the Army who played key role. At the time, Army
Chief Gen. Nasution appointed several officers to run the
companies.

"It (the appointment) was to prevent the companies from being
taken over by the PKI (Indonesian Communist Party) through its
organ SOBSI, " Nasution told The Jakarta Post.

The Army's current involvement in politics and the economy is
precedented. According to military observer Salim Said, the
Army's involvement in these two areas has historical
justifications.

ABRI is unique because it was not created by the state or a
political party, but was born of the people.

"That's why the Army feel they are part of the people,"
Rudini, a former Army chief of staff, told the Post.

Because of its unique history, ABRI's role is not confined to
maintaining national security, but extended to include directing
the country's sociopolitical and economic policies. This is how
the Dwi Fungsi (Dual Function) concept came about: It recognizes
ABRI as a defense and security force as well as a sociopolitical
force.

Nasution, who first coined the phrase Dwi Fungsi, said the
concept means that wherever they are, soldiers must assume the
role of "problem solvers" for society.

In agriculture, ABRI personnel must be able to solve
agriculture problems. Likewise, in the field of education, they
must also tackle education problems.

As ABRI marks its 50th anniversary on Oct. 5, Nasution says he
feels obliged to criticize the way Dwi Fungsi has been
implemented.

He said the military should not be involved in political
activities that he categorized as "small p", and instead
concentrate on the bigger affairs, or Politics with a "capital
P".

Within the first category are elections of regents, mayors,
governors and other civilian positions.

"Let the others take care of these affairs," Nasution
insisted.

The main activity of "capital P" is in giving character to
national development, he said. This must be done through the
People's Consultative Assembly, and not the House of
Representatives. It is through the Assembly, the highest state
organ, that ABRI representatives influence the drafting of the
five-yearly Guidelines of State Policies.

Gen. (ret.) Rudini, known as a prominent military thinker,
said many people are now questioning the implementation of ABRI's
Dwi Fungsi, partly because there is a growing impression that
soldiers are dominating the country's social, political and even
economic life.

"Maybe it's time that the military reduce its role and be less
conspicuous," Rudini said.

Historical

Historical conditions mandated the dominant military role in
the country's sociopolitical arena, he said.

During the transition from the Old Order to the New Order
governments, many civilians were so terrified of the PKI that
they turned to ABRI for protection.

"You have to bear in mind that the country was in a state of
emergency. That is why many ABRI members have been elected to
become governors and regent chiefs. You can't blame the
soldiers," said Rudini, who served as home minister between 1988
and 1993 after retiring from active military service.

ABRI did not plan this scenario, he said. "Being appointed
governor or regent has never been part of a military career."

Now that social and political situation is stable and security
is firmly under control, "it is time for capable civilians to
come forward, especially in the administration," Rudini said.

ABRI's role, he added, should be restricted to ensuring that
the "wheels of development" rotate smoothly. "If there is another
crisis and ABRI is needed again, it will return to the scene."

Rudini, who now heads the Institute of Strategic Studies of
Indonesia, an independent think tank, said the challenge facing
ABRI is how it can take the lead in establishing Pancasila
democracy, especially given the "people's increasing political
awareness and demands for democracy".

Rudini said ABRI could help formulate concepts about
development and greater distribution of wealth through its
faction in the House.

Noted political scholar Juwono Sudarsono said criticism of the
implementation of ABRI's Dwi Fungsi has largely been about "the
degree of soldiers' involvement in politics".

Juwono said the Indonesian middle class is still too weak and
insignificant to be able to take over the political role that is
played by the military.

"When the middle class expands and progresses, then the degree
of ABRI's involvement in society and politics will naturally
decline," Juwono assured. (Ahmed Kurnia Soeriawidjaja and
Johannes Simbolon)

War machine -- Page 5

Sundhaussen -- Page 8