ABRI still plays vital role

If there is one institution in modern Indonesia which towers above all others in importance, it is the Armed Forces. The Indonesian Armed Forces constitutes an institution that is far more than a standing force with a command structure; it is the soul of the nation and the largest political organization in the country. -- Michael R.J. Vatikiotis

JAKARTA (JP): That is how Far Eastern Economic Review journalist Vatikiotis describes the Indonesian Armed Forces (ABRI) in his 1993 book Indonesian Politics Under Soeharto.

The question is: To what extent does his observation hold, given the changes that have taken place in national politics since ABRI's conception 50 years ago?

Looking back, it is undeniable that the nation owes a lot to ABRI in fighting for and maintaining the unity of the republic.

"In the history of the republic's political reality, I have yet to see any organization which can match ABRI's high competence and ability, particularly when it concerns discipline and nation-building," says Juwono Sudarsono, deputy governor of the National Resilience Institute.

Juwono, who is also a professor in political science at the University of Indonesia, is not exaggerating. History shows that when the country was riddled by crisis, the Armed Forces came to the rescue.

Take for example the second Dutch aggression at the end of 1948, when the Dutch military arrested president Sukarno and vice president M. Hatta in Yogyakarta. The Dutch then announced through radio and pamphlets that the Indonesian republic no longer existed.

Guerrilla

However, the Army, led by Gen. Soedirman, refused to give in and launched a guerrilla war. The Army even expressed regret over the "feeble" attitude of Bung Karno and Bung Hatta, who turned down Sudirman's call for a guerrilla war.

In March, 1949, an army unit led by Lt. Col. Soeharto, attacked Yogyakarta. Although the unit succeeded in occupying Yogyakarta for only six hours, the move was enough to stun the world. It was proof that Indonesia was sovereign, even though its two leaders, Bung Karno and Bung Hatta, were in detention.

The incident was crucial in Indonesia's campaign to win international support to force Dutch recognition of Indonesian sovereignty.

In the 1950s, when the young nation was rocked by various regional rebellions, it was also the Armed Forces which prevented the nation from disintegrating. The PRRI/Permesta rebellions in Sumatra and Sulawesi, the DI-TII movements in Aceh, West Java and Sulawesi, were all crushed.

When the government nationalized Dutch companies in 1957 and 1958, it was the Army who played key role. At the time, Army Chief Gen. Nasution appointed several officers to run the companies.

"It (the appointment) was to prevent the companies from being taken over by the PKI (Indonesian Communist Party) through its organ SOBSI, " Nasution told The Jakarta Post.

The Army's current involvement in politics and the economy is precedented. According to military observer Salim Said, the Army's involvement in these two areas has historical justifications.

ABRI is unique because it was not created by the state or a political party, but was born of the people.

"That's why the Army feel they are part of the people," Rudini, a former Army chief of staff, told the Post.

Because of its unique history, ABRI's role is not confined to maintaining national security, but extended to include directing the country's sociopolitical and economic policies. This is how the Dwi Fungsi (Dual Function) concept came about: It recognizes ABRI as a defense and security force as well as a sociopolitical force.

Nasution, who first coined the phrase Dwi Fungsi, said the concept means that wherever they are, soldiers must assume the role of "problem solvers" for society.

In agriculture, ABRI personnel must be able to solve agriculture problems. Likewise, in the field of education, they must also tackle education problems.

As ABRI marks its 50th anniversary on Oct. 5, Nasution says he feels obliged to criticize the way Dwi Fungsi has been implemented.

He said the military should not be involved in political activities that he categorized as "small p", and instead concentrate on the bigger affairs, or Politics with a "capital P".

Within the first category are elections of regents, mayors, governors and other civilian positions.

"Let the others take care of these affairs," Nasution insisted.

The main activity of "capital P" is in giving character to national development, he said. This must be done through the People's Consultative Assembly, and not the House of Representatives. It is through the Assembly, the highest state organ, that ABRI representatives influence the drafting of the five-yearly Guidelines of State Policies.

Gen. (ret.) Rudini, known as a prominent military thinker, said many people are now questioning the implementation of ABRI's Dwi Fungsi, partly because there is a growing impression that soldiers are dominating the country's social, political and even economic life.

"Maybe it's time that the military reduce its role and be less conspicuous," Rudini said.

Historical

Historical conditions mandated the dominant military role in the country's sociopolitical arena, he said.

During the transition from the Old Order to the New Order governments, many civilians were so terrified of the PKI that they turned to ABRI for protection.

"You have to bear in mind that the country was in a state of emergency. That is why many ABRI members have been elected to become governors and regent chiefs. You can't blame the soldiers," said Rudini, who served as home minister between 1988 and 1993 after retiring from active military service.

ABRI did not plan this scenario, he said. "Being appointed governor or regent has never been part of a military career."

Now that social and political situation is stable and security is firmly under control, "it is time for capable civilians to come forward, especially in the administration," Rudini said.

ABRI's role, he added, should be restricted to ensuring that the "wheels of development" rotate smoothly. "If there is another crisis and ABRI is needed again, it will return to the scene."

Rudini, who now heads the Institute of Strategic Studies of Indonesia, an independent think tank, said the challenge facing ABRI is how it can take the lead in establishing Pancasila democracy, especially given the "people's increasing political awareness and demands for democracy".

Rudini said ABRI could help formulate concepts about development and greater distribution of wealth through its faction in the House.

Noted political scholar Juwono Sudarsono said criticism of the implementation of ABRI's Dwi Fungsi has largely been about "the degree of soldiers' involvement in politics".

Juwono said the Indonesian middle class is still too weak and insignificant to be able to take over the political role that is played by the military.

"When the middle class expands and progresses, then the degree of ABRI's involvement in society and politics will naturally decline," Juwono assured. (Ahmed Kurnia Soeriawidjaja and Johannes Simbolon)

War machine -- Page 5

Sundhaussen -- Page 8