Sun, 16 Mar 1997

ABRI source of fascination

The Armed Forces of Indonesia By Robert Lowry ALLEN & UNWIN, NSW, February 1997 Paperback, 282 pages

MELBOURNE (JP): It would not be an exaggeration to say Indonesia's Armed Forces has been a source of fascination, speculation and awe for people in the region, be they inside or outside Indonesia. Excellent books have been written and published in English by academics and journalists like Harold Crouch, Ulf Sundhaussen and David Jenkins, about Indonesia's Armed Forces and its role in the nation's political movements. The publication of Robert Lowry's book, The Armed Forces of Indonesia, the first in The Armed Forces of Asia series, is a timely addition to the collection. And it is particularly useful for those seeking an overall picture of the country's military power, known nationally as ABRI, in one reading.

The book will demystify ABRI for outsiders, and demythify ABRI in the eyes of many Indonesians, who have only experienced its presence, influence, some its might, and have never stepped aside to see it in its entirety. It is also a concise history of ABRI as part of, and outside of, the New Order. It is impossible to understand the workings of Indonesia's New Order and predict changes ahead without understanding ABRI. And predictions abound with the May election imminent.

While Lowry touches on the formation of the Army during the struggle for independence, and the subsequent establishment of the Air force and the Navy, he concentrates more on ABRI's development and transformation in the period after 1965. He explores in detail what he sees as the three functions of ABRI: defense, internal security and regime maintenance, against the background of the wider context of domestic politics and national defense and security policy.

Lowry paints a picture both from inside and outside, and depicts a very interesting struggle between the rhetoric of ideals and the problems of implementing them.

Based on traditional Javanese world view, ABRI's doctrinal manuals depicts itself in a holistic manner, where every element is part of a component which in turns, is a part of a hierarchy of subsystems forming the whole system. Unity, of the forces themselves, and of the nation as a community, is paramount. Since its inception in 1945 ABRI has defeated or contained all armed challenges to the state and armed separatist movements seen as threats to national unity and cohesiveness. It therefore justifies its involvement in the domestic politics, and the Army's dominance over the other forces.

It is in the name of maintaining this cohesiveness, it seems, that ABRI's influence has been built into the legislative and executive powers. Its interests are represented in the legislature through Golkar and through the service personnel who are appointed to 20 percent of the seats at national, province and district levels of legislature. And Lowry observes that ABRI's internal security and political roles have become entwined, being as much concerned with entrenching its own political dominance as with containing insurgency and separatism.

A lot of the political activism has been classified as an internal security problem and dealt with by the use of violence or threat of violence rather than political means.

During the War of Independence military commanders were placed over the civil authorities, as the nation was in an all-out struggle against a foreign enemy. This practice however, has been continued in overcoming internal security problems. Instead of coopting insurgents and dissenters back into civil society, the military tend to regard them as the enemies of the state, hence justifying the use of force against them.

In the chapter about ABRI in business, Lowry throws the limelight right back to the time of the revolution, where many Army and militia units had to fend for themselves, then traces this to the present era, where the nation is faced with problems arising from ABRI's business associations.

The book credits ABRI with having achieved its task: overseeing the defense and security of Indonesia over the last 50 years. Considering the country's size, location, economic underdevelopment, geographic fragmentation, and ethnic and religious diversity, it was no mean feat.

In the conclusion, Lowry suggests that since ABRI does not credit civilians with much administrative abilities, it will be reluctant to step back from its political role if reform only means greater political power for the bureaucracy. Interestingly, to win ABRI's support, the social change away from military authoritarian rule, will have to give greater political power to society at large.

The book is more like a picture in its lack of ponderousness, yet it is very informative. It should appeal to those who do not necessarily want an in-depth study of Indonesian politics, but seek a much better understanding of what makes Indonesia tick.

-- Dewi Anggraeni