A way forward for the Chinese issue?

A way forward for the Chinese issue?

Fabio Scarpello, Contributor, Jakarta

Indonesia is an extremely diverse country, but in its
heterogeneity has always presented significant degrees of
tolerance for ethnic, racial and religious differences. The
exception is the Chinese minority.

Historically, the ethnic Chinese are the ones that have
suffered the most from discrimination. The 1998 riots were the
latest in a long series of attacks on the community. Murders,
rapes and looting against the ethnic Chinese go unpunished. Law
enforcement is an empty phrase and fear on one side, and
misconception on the other still reign supreme.

Trying to understand the "Chinese issue" is a gigantic task.
Its roots were planted by the Dutch colonial rulers and their
institutionalized division of citizens into four categories:
European and Japanese, oriental foreigners, and indigenous (sub-
divided into Christian and non-Christian).

This 1900 law is still in force; consequently fourth
generation Chinese-Indonesians are still labeled as oriental
foreigners on their birth certificates. From here the door is
open to discrimination.

In the present day, economic and cultural differences
represent two hurdles to overcome.

According to various claims, the ethnic Chinese community -- 4
percent to 5 percent of the population -- is deemed to control up
to 65 percent of the national economy. This perceived unevenness
breeds jealousy in the population, and offers itself to easy
political manipulation in times of social unrest. Thus, people
with no outlet for their anger simply channel it onto the
Chinese.

Culturally, the ethnic Chinese are seen as exclusivist, but
this label is academically flawed. Chinese-Indonesians cannot be
considered a single unity; they are very diverse in attitude and
tradition.

A first distinction can be made between peranakan and totok.
The former are locally born, with many having mixed parentage and
Indonesian as their first language. The latter are recent
immigrants, still culturally Chinese.

But the distinction is not so black and white; in between we
find various tones of gray. But to better understand the Chinese
attitude, we need to refer to Confucian teachings and the idea of
small communities: "Mind your own business. You are responsible
to yourself, to your immediate family and then to your extended
family and your community."

There is no concept of nationhood in Confucian China and this
is reflected in the Chinese attitude.

But the challenge is to move forward and not to look back.
"How can we move on?" rather than "Why has this happened?" is the
question to be asked.

Dr. Eddie Lembong -- chairman of the Indonesian-Chinese
Association -- has a plausible answer: knowledge and integration.

"We have to build mutual cultural understanding. If you don't
know, you cannot understand. Only in this way we can find
communal goals."

But solving the problem doesn't mean eradicating the Chinese
cultural identity. The shift from assimilation to integration is
crucial.

Assimilation means the gradual fragmentation and disappearance
of a cultural entity -- as attempted during the Soeharto regime
-- while integration means understanding a different cultural
entity and accepting it in a larger context. This process is long
and slow, but often it may be the only plausible solution.

In this case integration is a double-edged sword, according to
Lembong:

"The Chinese have to learn to be inclusive and involve locals
in their activities. In the same way, they must be allowed to
participate in every walk of society. We want to be policemen,
Army officers and so on, because this country is ours as well."

This sense of belonging is the point of discord between most
ethnic Chinese and locals. Locals perceive Chinese as outsiders,
while Chinese feel Indonesian.

And here is where knowledge -- or a lack of -- comes into
play. The perception of ethnic Chinese as not being fully fledged
Indonesians is based on the misinterpretation or manipulation of
two basic concepts: suku and nationhood.

According to the National Public Library dictionary, suku is a
"collection of people sharing similar behavior and culture, and
able to use a distinctive language".

Chinese-Indonesians would naturally fall under this
definition, just like the Javanese, Bataks or Madurese.

But somewhere along the line, the meaning of the term was
altered. Currently, suku are considered ethnic groups that have a
geographical origin within Indonesia. This cuts short any claims
by the Chinese and keeps the door open to discrimination.

Furthermore, the concept of Indonesia's nationhood, as stated
by former president Sukarno, is based on the French philosopher
Renan's theory of "a group of people sharing a common story, a
community by choice".

It excludes any reference to race, but when promulgated into
law in 1946, the concept was blurred. Article 26 of the
Indonesian Constitution reads: "Citizen shall be persons who are
native-born Indonesians and persons of other nationalities who
are legalized by statute as being citizens." This forms a gray
area and -- yet again -- grounds for discrimination.

Chinese-Indonesians were born here, as were their parents and
grandparents, but they still feel -- and are often treated -- as
foreigners. Their cultural differences and economic successes
have contributed to the stereotyped image that continues to fuel
resentment. Their isolation is detrimental to a country still at
the stage of identity building. Integration and mutual
understanding may hold the key to future cooperation, but to
achieve this a concerted public and private effort is needed.