A way forward for the Chinese issue?

Fabio Scarpello, Contributor, Jakarta

Indonesia is an extremely diverse country, but in its heterogeneity has always presented significant degrees of tolerance for ethnic, racial and religious differences. The exception is the Chinese minority.

Historically, the ethnic Chinese are the ones that have suffered the most from discrimination. The 1998 riots were the latest in a long series of attacks on the community. Murders, rapes and looting against the ethnic Chinese go unpunished. Law enforcement is an empty phrase and fear on one side, and misconception on the other still reign supreme.

Trying to understand the "Chinese issue" is a gigantic task. Its roots were planted by the Dutch colonial rulers and their institutionalized division of citizens into four categories: European and Japanese, oriental foreigners, and indigenous (sub- divided into Christian and non-Christian).

This 1900 law is still in force; consequently fourth generation Chinese-Indonesians are still labeled as oriental foreigners on their birth certificates. From here the door is open to discrimination.

In the present day, economic and cultural differences represent two hurdles to overcome.

According to various claims, the ethnic Chinese community -- 4 percent to 5 percent of the population -- is deemed to control up to 65 percent of the national economy. This perceived unevenness breeds jealousy in the population, and offers itself to easy political manipulation in times of social unrest. Thus, people with no outlet for their anger simply channel it onto the Chinese.

Culturally, the ethnic Chinese are seen as exclusivist, but this label is academically flawed. Chinese-Indonesians cannot be considered a single unity; they are very diverse in attitude and tradition.

A first distinction can be made between peranakan and totok. The former are locally born, with many having mixed parentage and Indonesian as their first language. The latter are recent immigrants, still culturally Chinese.

But the distinction is not so black and white; in between we find various tones of gray. But to better understand the Chinese attitude, we need to refer to Confucian teachings and the idea of small communities: "Mind your own business. You are responsible to yourself, to your immediate family and then to your extended family and your community."

There is no concept of nationhood in Confucian China and this is reflected in the Chinese attitude.

But the challenge is to move forward and not to look back. "How can we move on?" rather than "Why has this happened?" is the question to be asked.

Dr. Eddie Lembong -- chairman of the Indonesian-Chinese Association -- has a plausible answer: knowledge and integration.

"We have to build mutual cultural understanding. If you don't know, you cannot understand. Only in this way we can find communal goals."

But solving the problem doesn't mean eradicating the Chinese cultural identity. The shift from assimilation to integration is crucial.

Assimilation means the gradual fragmentation and disappearance of a cultural entity -- as attempted during the Soeharto regime -- while integration means understanding a different cultural entity and accepting it in a larger context. This process is long and slow, but often it may be the only plausible solution.

In this case integration is a double-edged sword, according to Lembong:

"The Chinese have to learn to be inclusive and involve locals in their activities. In the same way, they must be allowed to participate in every walk of society. We want to be policemen, Army officers and so on, because this country is ours as well."

This sense of belonging is the point of discord between most ethnic Chinese and locals. Locals perceive Chinese as outsiders, while Chinese feel Indonesian.

And here is where knowledge -- or a lack of -- comes into play. The perception of ethnic Chinese as not being fully fledged Indonesians is based on the misinterpretation or manipulation of two basic concepts: suku and nationhood.

According to the National Public Library dictionary, suku is a "collection of people sharing similar behavior and culture, and able to use a distinctive language".

Chinese-Indonesians would naturally fall under this definition, just like the Javanese, Bataks or Madurese.

But somewhere along the line, the meaning of the term was altered. Currently, suku are considered ethnic groups that have a geographical origin within Indonesia. This cuts short any claims by the Chinese and keeps the door open to discrimination.

Furthermore, the concept of Indonesia's nationhood, as stated by former president Sukarno, is based on the French philosopher Renan's theory of "a group of people sharing a common story, a community by choice".

It excludes any reference to race, but when promulgated into law in 1946, the concept was blurred. Article 26 of the Indonesian Constitution reads: "Citizen shall be persons who are native-born Indonesians and persons of other nationalities who are legalized by statute as being citizens." This forms a gray area and -- yet again -- grounds for discrimination.

Chinese-Indonesians were born here, as were their parents and grandparents, but they still feel -- and are often treated -- as foreigners. Their cultural differences and economic successes have contributed to the stereotyped image that continues to fuel resentment. Their isolation is detrimental to a country still at the stage of identity building. Integration and mutual understanding may hold the key to future cooperation, but to achieve this a concerted public and private effort is needed.