Sat, 11 Jun 2005

A moment of truth nears Down Under

Kavi Chongkittavorn The Nation Asia News Network Bangkok

Australia has to decide whether it wants to climb on board the vessel known as the East Asian Summit (EAS). Time is running out -- as is the patience of the member countries of ASEAN. Ongoing rows with Indonesia over the conviction for drug-smuggling of Schapelle Corby, and with China over a defecting Chinese diplomat, are complicating the overall scheme of things for Canberra.

At a recent meeting in Vientiane, senior officials from Australia and ASEAN met to thrash out a formula that would allow Canberra to be part of the EAS, which will be held in Kuala Lumpur in mid-December. However, the meeting was inconclusive because the Australian side said it needed time to study the arrangement, and, more importantly, consult its parliament.

Questions raised by Australia had to do with the impact that participation would have on the country's security commitment to its allies and the United Nations if and when it decided to sign the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) in Southeast Asia. ASEAN responded to these questions the same way it responded to India, Japan and South Korea. The latter two were staunch U.S. allies that had similar concerns, like Australia, and finally acceded to the TAC.

Since the TAC serves as the code of conduct within Southeast Asia, signing the agreement would not have any affect on Australia's broader security commitments overseas, especially in connection with the U.S., which is a pivotal concern. Also, the TAC is only effective within the Southeast Asian archipelago.

Certain quarters in Canberra and within the academic community have a strong mindset that signing the TAC would compromise the country's security alliance with the U.S. At the moment, ASEAN is looking for a way out for Australia to associate with the TAC so that it can take part in the EAS. It will address Australian concerns over the timeframe for completing consultations and lobbying for the support of the country's various constituencies.

Japan's accession to the TAC in December 2003 during the commemorative ASEAN-Japan summit was rather unique. It was then Japanese foreign minister Yurigo Kawaguchi who signed a declaration of intent to accede to the TAC. In return, ASEAN foreign ministers jointly signed a declaration of consent to allow Japan's accession.

Japan initially wanted to have a signing ceremony in Tokyo during the commemoration, but it was unable to do so. The compromise allowed the Japanese emperor, who must sign any international agreements, to attend to this matter at his convenience.

This procedure was designed to provide Japan with some flexibility so that it could proceed with the plan. Both Japan and ASEAN have advised Australia to use this approach as well.

It is apparent that after a decade of less than harmonious relations, both Australia and ASEAN want to start anew in the interest of forming a stronger, broader partnership with Asia. The change in views and attitude has been significant on both sides. However, given the ups and downs of ASEAN-Australian relations, it is clear that cooperation is subject to the political temperatures of the day. The harsh jail-term handed down to Corby has already led to a fair amount of Indonesia- bashing in Australia.

Unfortunately, these relations are sensitive to political mishaps and public outbursts on both countries, as emotions run high. The recent parcel scare at the Indonesian embassy in Canberra is a case in point. Some ASEAN countries want Australia to sign up for the TAC now, the sooner the better, because of fears that uncertainties could cloud relations again.

ASEAN is very sensitive towards Washington's deep-rooted skepticism of any exclusive East Asian club. Having key U.S. allies like Japan, South Korea and Australia involved in the EAS and branding it as a non-exclusive body would serve to counter any possible suggestion that the EAS is an anti-U.S. grouping.