A foreign policy agenda for new president

Bantarto Bandoro, Jakarta

Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is likely to be in charge of the country for the next five years following an official announcement by the General Elections Commission that he won support from three-fifths of the voters. Indonesia now stands at another crossroads; it is another time for leaders to be farsighted and to bring the country five years of better domestic security and improved prosperity.

The challenges Susilo will face are huge given that the country for the past few years has been beset by series of turbulent events. Often international players have considered Indonesia as either weak structurally or even on the brink of disintegration. The challenge is to build a "new century of Indonesia" by laying new foundations for a better future. But the way these challenges are met or ignored by the next president will certainly affect the lives of each and every Indonesian and our prospects in the years ahead.

Since Susilo's victory, public commentaries have been focusing much on the domestic challenges he is likely to face during his presidency. Although domestic problems would and should be Susilo's priority -- why he is avoiding foreign trips -- managing external challenges is as important as negotiating domestic ones. So, as we near the end of Megawati's administration, it is perhaps a good time for us to look at the foreign policy agenda and challenges for Susilo's government.

Consider the world we live in today. In Southeast Asia, we are at the initial stages in building a zone of peace and stability through the idea of the ASEAN Community; we are however only halfway toward building a strong, stable and integrated Asia- Pacific community. On a more global level, we are witnessing the continual rise of market democracies, bringing hopes of prosperity and new opportunities to many. Yet this promising era is not risk-free. A host of modern threats, from terrorism to people trafficking and arms smuggling, have also gone global in that they ignore national borders and thus undermine the wellbeing of our people and the country's security.

To meet the challenge, Susilo must first understand the nature of the change that surrounds us. He must acknowledge that in a rapidly changing and interdependent world the separation of national and international affairs is becoming blurred if not problematic. A more globalized world is bound to cause fragmentation on the one hand and integration on the other, either on a national or an international level. Judging from current developments, fragmentation it could be said, is the dominant trend in today's world politics.

On the foreign policy issue, Susilo once said that if elected he would protect national sovereignty, promote an active foreign policy and ensure that Indonesia would be in the frontline in the fight against terrorism. The essence of such promise is the national interest because of a considerably close link between those goals.

However, following up these objectives is certainly not enough for our foreign policy. To lead the country effectively, either at the national, regional or global level, Susilo must do two things at once. First, he must undertake the business of managing "crises" as they arise. Whether dealing with the possibility of a new outbreak of violence in Aceh or Papua, or responding to the future threat of terrorist attacks.

It is all too easy, and sometimes all too tempting, to let current emergencies dictate our foreign policy agenda. But the leadership in foreign policy means more than responding to the crisis and problems of the day. This leads us to the second aspect of Susilo's foreign policy leadership, namely anticipating problems the country will face down the road, making investments that will pay greater benefits or prevent greater costs in the future.

It is to say that even as Susilo's government deals with day- to-day events, it must also focus on long-term, strategic foreign policy goals. Susilo must capitalize on the gains the country has achieved from its international relations to build a much stronger and more respected Indonesia.

One knows that foreign policy challenges do not arise in neat five year cycles. Every administration inherits problems it must manage. Ours is no different. Here are some "construction projects" for Susilo's government for the next five years that transcend domestic and international interests:

(1) building an undivided and more democratic Indonesia;

(2) building a stronger shield against the forces of destruction;

(3) building a regional defense mechanism -- not a military one -- a platform that would guard and guide the realization of the ASEAN Community;

(4) building and expanding international links so as to better and effectively secure our resources abroad;

(5) building international coalitions to take on challenges that derive from transnational security issues; and

(6) promoting forces for multilateralism: This would include tough reforms at the UN forum. Indonesia's desire for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council must be seen within such reforms.

The peaceful direct presidential election here has given birth to a new president. Susilo is likely to be the central focus here and abroad at least for the next five years. The world, particularly Southeast Asia, will be anxious to see his foreign policy goals in action. Though some may appear ambitious, the above goals are feasible enough -- they could be executed by Susilo's foreign policy team.

The biggest enemy to success is inaction.

If Susilo's foreign policy objective is to protect the country's interests and to strengthen its international position, then the country requires active and wider international engagement.

The writer is the editor of The Indonesian Quarterly of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) and a lecturer of the international relations post-graduate studies program at the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences in the University of Indonesia. He can be contacted at bandoro@csis.or.id.