A dubious accomplishment

A dubious accomplishment

Finally, after weeks of deliberation, Indonesia's legislature,
the House of Representatives (DPR), approved on Thursday the
controversial state security bill, despite the objections of
thousands of critics and protesters across the country. It now
only requires the signature of the President to turn the bill
into a law -- a final procedure that many expect will be
completed within days.

Looking back on the tumultuous events of the past few weeks
that preceded approval of the law, one could ask what all the
agitation was about. After all, every country, even the most
democratic, has legal provisions to enable it to cope with
threats that might endanger its security, or indeed its very
existence. In such times of emergency, it is a matter of course
that civil liberties must be curtailed for a period of time and
inconveniences imposed on the public.

It is also true to say that the security bill is an improved
version of the first draft, deviating in several significant ways
from the original submission considered by the government. For
one thing, although both versions empower the president to
declare a state of emergency, in the final version it is
mandatory for the chief executive to consult the legislature
before this step is taken. This is an important step in the right
direction, because it can prevent the president (or the military)
from arbitrarily using the extra powers provided in such an
emergency situation.

So why, then, the continuing opposition to the bill? One
important reason is that there is a widely held perception that
the new legislation was approved under pressure from the
government, and the military in particular. For what purpose?
Obviously in order for the authorities to deal with emergencies
should the necessity arise. But under the current conditions,
where the government's credibility is practically nil, and the
track record of the Indonesian Military over the past 35 years or
so is tarnished by incidents of harsh repression and human rights
abuses, the public's suspicions are easily -- and perhaps
justifiably -- aroused.

The question that befuddles most of the public is: Why were
the authorities unable to wait a few more weeks until the new
legislature was in place -- unless, of course, some ulterior
motives were present? Given the far-reaching implications of the
new law, and the serious civil rights issued that are involved,
the question is a pertinent one. After all, who does the present
House of Representatives actually represent? As the June 7
General Election has irrefutably shown, the Indonesian Democratic
Party (PDI) faction in the current House represents only a few
million people scattered in a few areas of Java. Even the
majority Golkar faction was elected in polls that observers and
former officials now openly admit were heavily rigged in Golkar's
favor.

At this stage though, there is little point in dwelling on the
proprieties that have been ignored. With the current legislature
poised to go into its final recess, for now, there seems little
need to fear that the momentum will be used by the Habibie
government to reinforce its position, or by the military to re-
entrench itself in Indonesian politics. The best thing that can
be hoped for under the circumstances is that the new legislature,
which will convene at the beginning of next month, will revise
this controversial law, if not rescind it, and polish any points
that need polishing to ensure that the process of democratic
reform is not obstructed or derailed.