1998 a year of questions and turmoil for ABRI

1998 a year of questions and turmoil for ABRI

By Imanuddin

JAKARTA (JP): Many will remember 1998 as the year the Armed
Forces' reputation plunged to its lowest ebb following
revelations of past atrocities and mounting demands for the
abolition of its sociopolitical role.

The media have reported case upon case of public protests
against the military's domination in both politics and security
affairs, in ways which were unthinkable only last year when
Soeharto's New Order regime was in power.

Today, the media are undaunted about reporting news about
police offices or outposts being pelted with stones, or even
burned, by mobs. This happened during the mid-May riots and the
mid-November unrest here and in other cities.

In another instance, in the absence of media coverage, the
Surakarta Military Command in Central Java was "taken over" by
students for a few days before the commencement of the Special
Session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) on Nov. 10.

Why this wave of anger aimed at the Armed Forces (ABRI)?

Analysts believe the anger is precisely because of the
military's poor record in both of its roles, namely security and
sociopolitical.

ABRI was in hot water this year for its officers' involvement
in the abduction of dozens of political activists, for its
handling of the violent mass rioting in May and for the shooting
of students during peaceful protests at Trisakti University in
May and at the Semanggi cloverleaf in November.

Among the proof of its poor record in security is the alleged
involvement of soldiers from the Army's Special Force (Kopassus)
in the abduction of political activists between February and May.

Further proof is the atrocities in Aceh and Irian Jaya which
were designated military operation zones. From these areas,
gruesome reports emerged: women who were raped and brutalized,
men who were killed in military headquarters and children who
were forced to witness the slow and painful deaths of their
fathers.

Admittedly, the military appears to be attempting to make
amends. Its efforts include a reduction in combat troops deployed
in both provinces, in September and October respectively. The
military also reduced its presence in East Timor, withdrawing
hundreds of combat troops.

In October, the Armed Forces marked its 53rd anniversary by
taking a hard look at its image.

Armed Forces Commander Gen. Wiranto conceded that ABRI now
believed its security approach was no longer relevant, but called
on the nation to ponder whether it was true that during its years
of service, ABRI had only shown itself to be a band of cruel
murderers and destroyers.

He further asked people to ponder the lives of many service
personnel who became crippled, mothers who lost children, wives
who lost husbands and children who lost fathers in their
commitment to their duties.

Sociopolitical

ABRI also has been criticized for its domination in social and
political affairs, which it justifies with its dwifungsi (dual
function) doctrine. Under the concept, the military is recognized
as both a defense force and a sociopolitical force.

With its sociopolitical role, many of the country's high-
ranking positions, such as heads of state institutions,
provincial governors and ambassadors, have been occupied by ABRI
officers.

Responding to calls for reform, Wiranto announced last month
that servicemen must first quit the military before they could
assume government or civilian positions.

Wiranto also said ABRI was ready to redefine the doctrine.

"ABRI has redefined and repositioned its social and political
role, taking up a new paradigm based on four principles," he
said.

The first principle is for ABRI to change its position so it
no longer has to be in the forefront of politics; the second is
to shift its position from that of occupier to that of influence;
the third is that ABRI now chooses to influence indirectly rather
than directly; the final principle is its willingness to concede
some political role sharing with nonmilitary partners.

"Based on the new paradigm, the social and political role of
ABRI will systematically and automatically decrease," he
promised.

In November, however, the Armed Forces again disappointed the
nation.

Inside the compound of the House of Representatives/People's
Consultative Assembly, its legislators attending the Special
Session of the Assembly fought to retain ABRI's stronghold in the
legislatures. The United Development Party (PPP) campaigned
against continued military representation in the House, but the
other factions supported it.

Outside the complex, ABRI personnel opened fire on students
protesting peacefully against the Special Session. Fourteen died
in the bloody Semanggi cloverleaf incident on Nov. 13.

Following the session, the House continued deliberating three
political bills, including one which would determine the number
of House seats for ABRI legislators.

Golkar proposed that the number of seats be reduced to 25 from
the current 75, PPP wanted it reduced to 10, the Indonesian
Democratic Party (PDI) remained undecided while the ABRI faction
suggested the number be reduced to 55.

Golkar

Wiranto promised, at least twice this year, to be neutral and
treat all political forces equally, signifying ABRI's intention
to stop being the driving force of Golkar.

It will not be easy for ABRI to convince the public of its
sincerity because the military has been, over the past three
decades, considered to be the tool of Golkar in perpetuating
Soeharto's power.

Military leaders used to justify its stance with the following
statement: "As a defense and security force, ABRI gives equal
treatment to all political organizations. But as a sociopolitical
organization, the big ABRI family gives its support to Golkar."

Golkar was founded by the military in 1964 to block the
growing influence of the Indonesian Communist Party, which was
banned after its involvement in a bloody coup attempt in 1965.

ABRI took sides in the 1971 elections because it was the first
general election held under the New Order administration, which
was consolidating its position after the political turmoil of the
mid-1960s. It took a more neutral position in the 1987 and 1992
elections, after the establishment of the 1987 law on ABRI
personnel.

The promise to be neutral was voiced again by Wiranto only
this week when he said the military would not back Golkar in next
year's general election, and that it would treat all contestants
equally.

It remains to be seen whether the promise will be kept this
time around.