{
    "success": true,
    "data": {
        "id": 1282876,
        "msgid": "womens-groups-should-be-included-in-aceh-solution-1447893297",
        "date": "2000-06-27 00:00:00",
        "title": "Women's groups should be included in Aceh solution",
        "author": null,
        "source": "",
        "tags": null,
        "topic": null,
        "summary": "Women's groups should be included in Aceh solution A truly democratic negotiation for solutions in Aceh should include different elements including women groups, says Jacqueline Aquino Siapno from the Philippines. The lecturer in political science and staff member of the Melbourne Institute of Asian Languages and Societies, at University of Melbourne, recently finished her book, Women, Nationalism, and Political Violence in Aceh.",
        "content": "<p>Women&apos;s groups should be included in Aceh solution<\/p>\n<p>A truly democratic negotiation for solutions in Aceh should<br>\ninclude different elements including women groups, says<br>\nJacqueline Aquino Siapno from the Philippines. The lecturer in<br>\npolitical science and staff member of the Melbourne Institute of<br>\nAsian Languages and Societies, at University of Melbourne,<br>\nrecently finished her book, Women, Nationalism, and Political<br>\nViolence in Aceh. The following is an excerpt of an e-mail<br>\ninterview with The Jakarta Post.<\/p>\n<p>Question: You have been observing the turbulence in Aceh for<br>\nyears. What do you think of recent developments there?<br>\nAnswer: The situation in Aceh has been so horrifying in the past<br>\ndecade that, like many people, I was at first optimistic about<br>\nthe truce (Joint Understanding on Humanitarian Pause recently<br>\nsigned in Switzerland) since it is a step towards ending the<br>\nviolence. However, it is glaring omission that the women&apos;s groups<br>\nthat have been at the forefront of political organizing in Aceh<br>\nhave not been included.<\/p>\n<p>A genuinely democratic negotiation with any hope of lasting<br>\nshould include the women&apos;s groups, student organizations and<br>\nreligious leaders.<\/p>\n<p>There is too much emphasis on the role of the Free Aceh<br>\nMovement (GAM). This is a rather present-oriented and narrow-<br>\nminded view. The struggle for independence in Aceh must be<br>\nunderstood from a broader historical perspective, and not be too<br>\nlimited to the present conflict.<\/p>\n<p>This has been an ongoing struggle for several decades and<br>\nhistorically, the rebellions against the state had specific<br>\ndifferences in terms of leadership (during the Darul Islam<br>\nrebellion in the 1950s it was the ulama who led), demands, and<br>\naspirations.<\/p>\n<p>The independence movement in Aceh today is much larger than<br>\nGAM. Any genuine solution to the conflict ought to include all<br>\nthe other groups outside GAM that also want independence, but<br>\ntalk about the desirability of independence in different terms.<br>\nHow do you see the spread of the self-determination movement in<br>\nAceh?<\/p>\n<p>Calls for referendum have already spread to South Aceh, Aceh<br>\nProper (Banda Aceh), West Aceh, and Central Aceh, initially not<br>\nas militant in the early-mid 1990s.<\/p>\n<p>This is partly due to the success of the students in their<br>\ncampaigns on the referendum despite the state terror and<br>\nintimidation waged against them.<\/p>\n<p>But it&apos;s mostly due to the sadism of the Indonesian government<br>\nand military which has been digging its own grave in Aceh in the<br>\npast decade with its extremely brutal measures against ordinary<br>\nAcehnese.<\/p>\n<p>The push for self-determination in Aceh is about many things,<br>\namong them the reorganization of the nation-state and capital,<br>\nabout ending state violence and sadism, about seeking justice for<br>\nvictims of massive human rights violations.<\/p>\n<p>It is also about unfair development policies, and corporate<br>\ngreed and irresponsibility on the part of companies like Mobil<br>\nOil. However, it is not about &quot;religious conflict&quot; which is the<br>\npropaganda that the government has been using to delegitimize the<br>\nindependence movement.<br>\nMany have expressed fear of Indonesia disintegrating, especially<br>\nfollowing East Timor&apos;s self-determination.<\/p>\n<p>I think the disintegration theory should be given a decent<br>\nburial. The two places that seem most likely to become<br>\nindependent are Aceh and West Papua. However, the problems in the<br>\nother provinces seem quite different, and in some cases, they are<br>\nasking the government and military to intervene to solve problems<br>\nrather than leave them alone.<\/p>\n<p>I don&apos;t really believe in any &quot;domino theories&quot;. This was<br>\nsupposedly the same reason why Indonesia invaded East Timor in<br>\n1975 -- they were concerned about the &quot;domino effect&quot; of a Third<br>\nWorld populist socialist government coming to power.<\/p>\n<p>I think the example of East Timor becoming independent has<br>\nbeen an immensely inspiring experience, not just for Aceh and<br>\nWest Papua, but for the Muslims in Mindanao, Southern<br>\nPhilippines, as well. Or for that matter, for small groups<br>\nconsidered &quot;an insignificant dot on the map&quot; or &quot;gravel in the<br>\nshoes&quot; of big hegemonic giants.<\/p>\n<p>It is inspiring in the same way that the struggle for<br>\nindependence in Vietnam against French and then American<br>\ncolonization was inspiring to so many other colonized groups in<br>\nthe world. What is so criminal about dreaming of becoming free<br>\nand independent?<br>\nYour comment about President Abdurrahman Wahid&apos;s (Gus Dur)<br>\nhandling of the calls for self-determination?<\/p>\n<p>Like many people, I am very much hopeful that Abdurrahman will<br>\nrespond to the growing quest for self-determination in creative<br>\nand non-cynical ways. His background as a religious scholar makes<br>\nmany different groups in Aceh hopeful that if there were a<br>\npresident who could understand the complexities and subtleties of<br>\nthe problems in Aceh, it would be him.<\/p>\n<p>However, so far his record on Aceh is not good, and in fact<br>\nAcehnese activists have begun to call him a war criminal and the<br>\njoint military-civilian tribunal as a mob court (pengadilan<br>\ngerombolan).<br>\nThe President kept Aceh&apos;s problems for himself, and gave Vice<br>\nPresident Megawati Soekarnoputri the problems of Irian Jaya,<br>\nMaluku and Riau. What do you think? Your suggestions for<br>\nMegawati?<\/p>\n<p>It is possible that Gus Dur &quot;kept Aceh for himself&quot; possibly<br>\nbecause he better understands the sensitivity of the Acehnese<br>\nsituation. Someone with his immense understanding of religion,<br>\nwould hopefully, unlike Soeharto, not &quot;play the Islamic card&quot; as<br>\na political tool.<\/p>\n<p>This seems to be a hope that many Acehnese continue to cling<br>\nto, but who knows what can happen in the future.<\/p>\n<p>My suggestions for Megawati: try to be a shining role model<br>\nfor women in politics, take up earnestly this role of building<br>\nand creating an intellectual and political space for women, and<br>\nmake astute, wise decisions about the serious problems of the<br>\ngrowing push for independence in places like West Papua.<\/p>\n<p>One would think that the desirability of &quot;independence&quot; would<br>\nbe something that strong women would intuitively understand since<br>\nit is something many seriously struggle for in their own lives.<br>\n(Santi Soekanto)<\/p>",
        "url": "https:\/\/jawawa.id\/newsitem\/womens-groups-should-be-included-in-aceh-solution-1447893297",
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