Why does Japan want to join UNSC?<\/p>\n
By Rizal Sukma<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): Recently, Japan has shown a greater willingness
\nto be a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council,
\nwhich currently comprises of the United States, Russia, France,
\nBritain and China. Japan's Foreign Minister, Yohei Kono,
\nexplicitly promised that his country is ready to assume full
\nresponsibility if it was admitted to the Security Council. Kono
\nalso stressed that, as a member of the Security Council, Japan
\nwould contribute positively to any efforts of international
\naffairs.<\/p>\n
There are two main questions that need to be answered. First,
\nwhat is the rationale for Japan to become a member of the
\nSecurity Council? Second, what are the benefits of Japan being a
\npermanent member of the Security Council for the rest of Asia?<\/p>\n
The first question is closely related to the increase in
\ninternational demand to restructure the existing arrangements of
\nthe Security Council. It has been widely argued that the present
\nstructure of the Security Council reflects the distribution of
\npower since the end of World War II. As the victors of the war,
\nso the argument goes, it was a logical consequence for the five
\npowers (including China when it was under Goumindang's rule and
\nan ally to the allied Powers) to retain the right "to maintain
\npeace" in the post-war world. In other words, the present
\nstructure of the Security Council is seen to be in line with the
\nworld's needs, as they were then.<\/p>\n
Now that the world has undergone significant changes, not just
\ndue to the end of post-World War II global political structuring,
\nbut also due to the end of colonialism since mid-1960s. Demand by
\nother emerging powers for restructuring the Security Council
\nshould reflect the existing reality of world politics.<\/p>\n
The Security Council is no longer confined to dealing with the
\nsecurity and military issues of the Cold War. The end of the Cold
\nWar has shifted the main driving force of international relations
\nfrom ideological-military rivalry to that of economic cooperation
\nand competition. The eradication of poverty among great power has
\ncome to the top of the world agenda.<\/p>\n
This task becomes even more delicate with the emergence of
\nnew, economic, related problems such as environmental
\ndegradation, disease, migration and refugees.<\/p>\n
Therefore, it can be argued, if the Security Council members
\nare supposed to consist of countries capable of dealing with
\nglobal issues then they should also be capable of dealing with
\nthe problems identified above. The present members of the
\nSecurity Council do not seem to possess such capabilities. For
\nexample, Russia, Britain and France are considered to be the
\nwaning powers. They are no longer qualified to be regarded as
\nglobal powers, not to mention their capability in dealing with
\nworld issues on a global scale. But one should not ignore the
\nfact that China is an emerging global power.<\/p>\n
Based on this line of reasoning, the idea of restructuring the
\nSecurity Council has found its course. It is also based on the
\nfact that Japan, as a power ranking second only to the U.S. in
\neconomic terms, is definitely qualified to be a permanent member
\nof the Security Council. Moreover, as argued by Tadahiro Oda,
\nJapan "will have to become a permanent member of the Security
\nCouncil if for no other reason than the fact that it is the only
\nnation able to make monetary contributions to the Security
\nCouncil." (Strait Times, Sept. 29, 1994).<\/p>\n
However, reforming the UN Security Council is not an easy
\ntask. Although one can be convinced that Japan does have a strong
\ncase for the bid, it does not follow that Tokyo should be a
\npermanent member by replacing one of the three fading powers in
\nthe Security Council. This is not a feasible option, although
\nsome analysts have put forward the idea that the membership of
\nBritain and France can be replaced by some sort of joint
\nmembership of the European Union. Moreover, a replacement formula
\nwould definitely face strong resistance from the present members
\nof the Security Council. In other words, expanding the membership
\nis seen as a more acceptable option.<\/p>\n
The next question to be considered then is: Would Japan's
\nstatus as a permanent member of the Security Council contribute
\nto the prosperity and stability in the Asia-Pacific region? This
\nis a delicate question indeed. Some Asian leaders have expressed
\ntheir support to the Japanese bid. For example, Tokyo has
\nreceived support from Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad
\nand Singaporean Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong during Premier
\nMurayama's visit to these countries. But Japan itself has not
\ncome up with a clear formulation of its own role once the country
\nis admitted to the Security Council.<\/p>\n
The other factor that should be considered is Japan's
\ncommitment to represent Asian interests in the international
\neconomic realm. No one in Asia would expect that instead of
\ncontributing to Asia's economic dynamism, Japan's new status as a
\npermanent member of the Security Council would strengthen the
\nGroup of Seven (G-7) position in directing, shaping, and
\ndictating global economy according to their own wishes and
\ndesigns.<\/p>\n
The decision to have Japan as a permanent member of the
\nSecurity Council should be welcomed, not revoked, by China, South
\nKorea and Southeast Asian countries. This would represent the
\ninterests of Asian nations in creating prosperity and promoting
\npeace in the region. Japan should be able to convince these
\ncountries that it has no intention of making its membership to
\nthe Security Council a stepping stone to embark upon a greater
\nplan of reviving itself as a global power in military terms.<\/p>\n
In conclusion, it is up to Japan to formulate what role it
\nshould assume in the future.<\/p>\n
The writer is a researcher at the Center for Strategic and
\nInternational Studies, Jakarta.<\/p>",
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