Who will it be?<\/p>\n
On Thursday morning, one of these three people will find
\nthemselves as Indonesia's fourth president.<\/p>\n
B.J. Habibie<\/p>\n
Nominated by : Golkar Party of Reform faction<\/p>\n
Last Position: incumbent President<\/p>\n
Close friends describe Habibie as being rational, astute in
\nbusiness and humble.<\/p>\n
Born on June 25 in Nepo village, Pare-pare, South Sulawesi, on
\nJune 25, 1936, Habibie -- or Rudy as he is known -- made a name
\nfor himself in Germany as a brilliant aeronautical expert.<\/p>\n
When Habibie returned home in 1974, he was appointed
\nSoeharto's technology consultant and then state minister of
\nresearch and technology between 1978 and 1998.<\/p>\n
He became chairman of the Association of Indonesian Muslim
\nIntellectuals (ICMI) when it was formed in 1990. The association
\ncontinues to be one his staunchest support bases.<\/p>\n
Habibie was elected vice president in March 1998.<\/p>\n
On May 21, 1998, Habibie was sworn in to the nation's highest
\nposition following Soeharto's resignation from the post.<\/p>\n
Habibie may have constitutional legitimacy, but he does not
\nnecessarily have political legitimacy.<\/p>\n
He initially enjoyed the support of the military and perhaps
\nalso the political parties that voted him into the vice
\npresidency to begin with. But after losing East Timor in a self-
\ndetermination ballot, and dogged by accusations that members of
\nhis inner circle were involved in a bank scandal, confidence in
\nhis abilities waned. According to most accounts, Habibie's
\nchances of retaining the presidency are slimmer by the day.<\/p>\n
Habibie is married to Hasri Ainun, a physician by training who
\ngave up her professional career to raise their two children:
\nIlham Akbar, now 36, and Thareq Kamal, 32.<\/p>\n
Abdurrahman Wahid<\/p>\n
Nominated by : Reform faction<\/p>\n
Last Position: Chairman of Nahdlatul Ulama Muslim organization<\/p>\n
When Abdurrahman Wahid, who is better known as Gus Dur,
\naccepted the \"axis force's\" presidential nomination, it was
\nconsidered just one of the countless political maneuvers that
\nthis controversial figure has played in Indonesian politics.<\/p>\n
Born to one of the country's most influential families of
\nMuslim leaders, Abdurrahman is the grandson of Hasyim Ashari, an
\ninfluential Muslim leader from the turn of the century.<\/p>\n
Abdurrahman's father, Wahid Hasyim, was also a noted figure,
\nand in the 1950s was appointed minister of religious affairs.<\/p>\n
Locals give the son of an elite family the title of \"Gus\". But
\nthe title has now become inseparable from his name.<\/p>\n
Abdurrahman was elected in 1984 chairman of Nahdlatul Ulama
\n(NU).<\/p>\n
In the early 1990s his eyesight deteriorated rapidly, and
\nprior to recent treatment he was near blind.<\/p>\n
In the past 10 years, Abdurrahman has built a reputation that
\nhas shifted from the role of a reputable culturalist to that of a
\nwily politician. However Muslims to the right of the political
\nspectrum accuse Abdurrahman of being too close to non-Muslim
\nleaders in his social activities.<\/p>\n
In the reform era, Abdurrahman supervised the birth of the
\nNational Awakening Party (PKB), even though he does not
\npersonally serve a role on the party's board.<\/p>\n
In the June 7 general election, PKB was the third largest
\nsuccessful party.<\/p>\n
At the beginning of the general election campaign, Abdurrahman
\nendorsed PDI Perjuangan leader Megawati Soekarnoputri as PKB's
\nsole presidential candidate.<\/p>\n
With the increasing polarization of support between Megawati
\nand incumbent B.J. Habibie, several smaller parties grouped in
\nthe axis force began courting Abdurrahman as an alternative
\ncandidate.<\/p>\n
Abdurrahman's reaction to the nomination was confusing. He
\naccepted the nomination, but said he himself still supported
\nMegawati.<\/p>\n
Megawati Soekarnoputri<\/p>\n
Nominated by : PDI Perjuangan<\/p>\n
Last Position: Chairwoman of PDI Perjuangan<\/p>\n
To many, Megawati is a mystery. A simple woman who avoids
\nconfrontation, she has been a target of criticism by her
\nopponents, who have aired doubts about her intellectual
\ncapabilities. Unlike many other party leaders, she does not hold
\na college or doctorate degree.<\/p>\n
She has yet to reveal a comprehensive proposal on how to run
\nthe country should she finally end up occupying Bina Graha
\npresidential office. As the daughter of Indonesia's first
\npresident Sukarno, Megawati's popularity certainly draws on the
\ncult status of her late father.<\/p>\n
Despite Megawati's shortcomings, people love her and are
\nwilling to make great sacrifices for her presidential bid.<\/p>\n
It is not easy to comprehend this phenomenon. One explanation
\nsuggests that it is Megawati's simplicity that attracts the
\ncrowds. She is seen as an honest person who can be trusted.<\/p>\n
Born as Diah Permata Megawati Soekarnoputri, there is no doubt
\nthat the presidential hopeful benefits from her father's name.<\/p>\n
While it is true that Soekarno's name lends credence to her
\nreputation, Megawati has tried hard to prove that she is a
\ncapable leader in her own right.<\/p>\n
Politically, Megawati seems to seek a middle way, to
\naccommodate both the reformists and the pro-status quo groups,
\nnamely the Golkar Party and its supporters and affiliates.<\/p>",
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