Whither our democracy<\/p>\n
The announcement of the provisional list of government-
\napproved House of Representatives candidates marks the halfway
\npoint in the run-up to Indonesia's sixth general election.
\nGolkar, the United Development Party (PPP) and the Indonesian
\nDemocratic Party (PDI) are fielding a total of 2,303 candidates
\nto contest the 425 House seats at stake on May 29. However, going
\nthrough Golkar's 829 candidates, one can't help but feel that
\nsomething is amiss.<\/p>\n
At first glance, the big names on Golkar's list may look
\nimpressive, but they also reinforce the impression that nepotism
\nprevails in Golkar and the way it selects its candidates. One or
\ntwo blood relatives of high-ranking officials might have been
\nacceptable if they had been selected on merit. But the list only
\nraises the question of whether Golkar is serious in trying to
\nencourage democracy and a healthy political system. Given that
\nGolkar is expected to score another landslide victory in May, the
\nimpact of their selection goes beyond the walls of Golkar
\nheadquarters.<\/p>\n
The list could give the impression that Golkar is becoming an
\neven more elite circle. Golkar is fielding all but one of the
\nmembers in the present cabinet. It is fielding the wives of some
\nministers and senior military officers. Many of its candidates
\nfor the regions are residents of Jakarta. Some business leaders
\nand two prominent figures from the entertainment world also have
\nbeen added to the list for good measure.<\/p>\n
Does this method of selection guarantee politicians of true
\ncaliber? More and more slots in the upper levels of Golkar are
\nbeing allotted to people by virtue of proximity -- through blood,
\nmoney or place of residence. Most have not gone through the
\ngrueling tests that truly great politicians must endure. Gone are
\nthe days when a political career meant working from the bottom
\nup.<\/p>\n
Another downside of this strategy is that it misleads the
\nelectorate. None of the big names will take up seats in the
\nHouse. Under the current proportional representation system, they
\nare being deployed as vote-getters for Golkar and for its
\ncampaigning purposes. Once the election is over, most will step
\naside and make way for lesser known names to move into the House.
\nThey will be rewarded with seats in the People's Consultative
\nAssembly, which gathers once every five years to elect the
\npresident. The Assembly is next scheduled to convene in March
\n1998.<\/p>\n
With the House and the Assembly in its grip, it is hard to
\nbelieve that we will see the political and economic changes
\nneeded to meet the challenges of globalization and heightened
\ncompetition. The Golkar representatives, by virtue of their
\nbackground and interests, are likely to maintain the status quo.<\/p>\n
The Golkar selection process virtually closes off the avenues
\nthrough which people can channel their aspirations. This is
\nhappening just when the pressures for change are growing, and
\ncould mean even more frustration and discontent. As we have seen
\nin the past, an absence of proper channels can degenerate into
\nexpressions of violence.<\/p>\n
Another aspect that the authorities have not dealt with is the
\nfate of the PDI camp under Megawati Soekarnoputri. Judging by
\nreactions from around the country in recent months, she still
\ncommands a following. Sidelining Megawati and her supporters in
\nfavor of the board headed by Soerjadi is simply postponing the
\ntime when they will have to deal with the matter. The danger of
\nthis approach, of course, is that come election time, Megawati's
\nsupporters could find their own way of venting their frustration.<\/p>",
"url": "https:\/\/jawawa.id\/newsitem\/whither-our-democracy-1447893297",
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