Where Megawati's loyalties lie<\/p>\n
By Lesley McCulloch<\/p>\n
TASMANIA, Australia (JP): It was with quiet amazement and some
\namusement that I read Focusing on reform process of TNI (The
\nJakarta Post July 18). While acknowledging the author, Philippe
\nRaggi's desire to understand the nuances of the political-
\nmilitary relationship in Indonesia today, I must suggest that his
\nanalysis is wide off the mark.<\/p>\n
Yes, it is true that a process of reform has begun. It is also
\ntrue that there are various obstacles to this reform process.
\nThese indeed include both the military's budget and economic
\ninterests. There are also other obstacles to reform, such as the
\npersonalities themselves. There are hardliners who would like to
\nsee the reform process stalled. In some ways these people offer
\nless of an obstacle to real reform in the long run. Their anti-
\nreform agenda is visible, and they belong on the whole to the old
\nschool, and will become less influential as time passes.<\/p>\n
The real obstacles to reform come in the form of, for example,
\nthose mentioned by Raggi -- Lt. Gen. Kiki Syahnakri, Lt. Gen.
\nAgus Widjojo and Gen. Endriartono Sutarto. All three (and others
\nlike them), have become very good at speaking the language of
\nreform. Widjojo and Endriartono in particular have become very
\nimpressive speakers. Of course, it is true that they are indeed
\npro-reformers. But, we must be aware that the reform process they
\nsupport is one where they set both the agenda and the timetable.
\nIn this way their own interests and those upon whose support they
\ndepend will be protected.<\/p>\n
To suggest that the "real will of TNI is to disengage itself
\nfrom politics" is only partly true. Such skepticism is justified
\nby the support given to the new President Megawati Soekarnoputri
\nduring the process to impeach Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur) by the
\nmilitary and police. And of significance, the support she
\nattracted by the hardliners among them.<\/p>\n
On Monday, in the closing stages of this impeachment process,
\nGus Dur moved to shut down the top legislative body and called
\nfor an early election. In rapid response, armed forces chief Adm.
\nWidodo Adisucipto accompanied by the chiefs of the army, navy and
\nairforce, stated that the armed forces opposed the move and would
\nnot implement it. The military is an instrument of the state.
\nGiven that the former head of state was constitutionally elected
\n-- albeit embattled -- one may be forgiven for thinking that the
\nmilitary were indeed involving themselves in a highly political
\nprocess. The process which ousted Gus Dur should have been
\nallowed to run its constitutional -- albeit vague and chaotic --
\ncourse, without the interference from the armed forces.<\/p>\n
The military in politics is about more than how many seats it
\nholds in the People's Consultative Assembly and the House of
\nRepresentatives, and for how long they will hold onto these
\nseats. This is merely a distraction. It is at the informal level
\nthat the TNI plays it's real political game. And with Megawati in
\npower, their line of influence to the center is more direct and
\nmuch strengthened -- hence their support.<\/p>\n
Furthermore, while it may be true that the official defense
\nbudget is low, this is a political -- not an economic -- argument
\nfor the military's continuing economic interests. It makes no
\neconomic sense at the organizational level for the military to be
\nin business. But, it does make sense at the individual level.
\nMuch of the profits made by the official businesses never reach
\nthe foundations to provide welfare for the troops. It is siphoned
\noff to provide off-salary incomes to serving (and some retired)
\npersonnel.<\/p>\n
Moreover, to view the TNI's abstention at the second motion of
\ncensure as an outward sign of their desire to abstain from
\npolitics illustrates a lack of understanding of the military-
\npolitics dynamics. This abstention must be understood in the
\ncontext of back-room deals in the corridors of power.<\/p>\n
For example, note the former President's agreement in the wake
\nof this incident to increase the number of troops to be deployed
\nto Aceh and the official sanctioning of the pursuit of a security
\nsolution to the terrible problems in the province. This period --
\nimmediately after the censure motion -- saw the end of attempts
\nat a political solution.<\/p>\n
The situation in Aceh has gone from bad to worse. The most
\nrecent show of contempt by the security forces to any attempts at
\na peaceful solution is the arrest and alleged beating of several
\nAcehnese negotiators last week.<\/p>\n
In conclusion, while Raggi may have been motivated by the best
\nof intentions, he has been distracted from the real drama being
\nplayed out before us. His analysis serves the interests of the
\nTNI very well. It gives legitimacy where none exists. The three
\npersonalities he mentioned -- Syahnakri, Agus Widjojo and
\nEndriartono Sutarto are indeed prominent figures in the security
\napparatus who -- are reportedly arming militias in West Papua,
\ntheir members raping, torturing and killing innocent civilians in
\nAceh and other places around the archipelago. In addition, the
\nmilitary is plundering the forests of Kalimantan and the economic
\ninterests are depriving Indonesia of much-needed resources and of
\na military which is truly professional.<\/p>\n
Some final comments are necessary about the new presidency of
\nMegawati. While holding the legitimacy of a constitutional
\ntransfer of power, she alone stands as perhaps the major obstacle
\nto reform.<\/p>\n
Megawati has already made it quite clear with whom her
\nloyalties lie. It is not with the pro-democracy reformers, the
\nstudent and youth movements, and others who would like to see
\nreformasi re-energized and a priority on the political map. It is
\nwith the political elite who will form her power base, and it is
\nwith the military and police who have successfully resisted real
\nreform.<\/p>\n
In Megawati we see a President who has made no secret of her
\nmore often than necessary meetings with both serving and retired
\nmilitary generals. Neither has she made any secret of her desire
\nto restore order around the archipelago.<\/p>\n
The drama unfolding before us in Jakarta is a diversion. On
\nthe periphery, for example in Aceh and in West Papua, the
\ninstruments of the state -- the military and police -- instill
\nterror into the lives of innocent civilians. Today, the military
\nand police elite are posed -- one again -- to rule the Republic
\nby default via a compliant figurehead in the new President
\nMegawati.<\/p>\n
The writer is a researcher based at the University of
\nTasmania, Australia.<\/p>",
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