What's up in Ambon<\/p>\n
The recent spate of bombings and reports this week of new arms
\ncaches found in Ambon indicate how fragile is the peace that was
\nachieved with so much effort in Maluku.<\/p>\n
But despite the recent tension, it's fair to say that
\nimportant progress has been made in the province since a trivial
\nargument between a minibus driver and a local tough in January
\n1999 sparked three years of communal strife and claimed the lives
\nof nearly 10,000 people. Indeed, if the public's relatively
\ncomposed reaction in Ambon to these latest incidents is taken as
\na measure of their maturity when facing the threat of renewed
\nviolence, then fears of a conflagration on the scale of the 1999
\nconflict seem unwarranted. This is, of course, provided all
\nparties with an interest in seeing the strife prolonged refrain
\n-- or are prevented -- from disrupting the peace efforts.<\/p>\n
The renewed tension in Ambon was triggered by an incident in
\nApril, when fighting broke out after the anniversary celebration
\nof a group of separatists calling itself the Republic of South
\nMaluku (RMS). According to reports, members of the group had
\nalready disbanded and were on their way home when they were
\nattacked by nationalist supporters of the Unitary Republic of
\nIndonesia (NKRI).<\/p>\n
Again, it must be noted that the group currently calling
\nitself the RMS in Ambon represents a mere few hundred people in
\nMaluku -- a far cry from the thousands of armed and fanatical
\nfollowers in the original RMS separatist movement of the early
\n1950s. Most of the original RMS leaders are aging and live in
\nvoluntary exile in the Netherlands. To many observers, therefore,
\nthe authorities' focus on such an ostensibly insignificant group
\nseems irrationally overblown.<\/p>\n
Nevertheless, the bombings and the ongoing discovery of arms
\nin the province is a strong reminder to both the authorities and
\nthe people of Maluku that enduring peace cannot be taken for
\ngranted. The latest incidents make it all too clear elements with
\nan interest in seeing the peace disrupted are still at work for
\neither financial or political gain. After all, without
\nnecessarily returning to the 1999-2000 emergency situation, a
\nprolonged crisis situation in Ambon and Maluku could benefit
\ncertain parties. To paraphrase a report from the now-outlawed
\nInternational Crisis Group (ICG): Occasional bombs and shootings
\nare sufficient to persuade business people and property owners to
\npay for special protection.<\/p>\n
Obviously, one party that stands nothing to gain from a
\nperpetual crisis is the general community, including civil
\nservants, business people and property owners. Under present
\ncircumstances, the first thing that must be done is to prevent
\noutsiders from moving in to exploit the situation. The good work
\nthat has been done in recent years by members of the civil
\ncommunity in Maluku, such as the Bakubae movement, must also be
\nmaintained and encouraged.<\/p>\n
In the years following the January 1999 incident, Indonesians
\nand the world saw what responsible civil leaders with wisdom and
\nunderstanding of local conditions could achieve to resolve even
\nthe most stubborn and complicated of conflicts. Without the
\nselfless involvement of Maluku's religious and community leaders
\nit is doubtful whether even the current level of unease and
\nsporadic violence could have been achieved.<\/p>\n
During these days of campaigning for the July 5 presidential
\nelections, Indonesians have heard much talk about new governments
\nhelping the people. Ambon has shown what an effective civil
\ncommunity can accomplish to resolve its problems, provided those
\nwho are in power cooperate and do not stand in its way.<\/p>",
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"sponsor": "Okusi Associates",
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