{
    "success": true,
    "data": {
        "id": 1374228,
        "msgid": "what-about-soeharto-1447893297",
        "date": "1998-11-13 00:00:00",
        "title": "What about Soeharto?",
        "author": null,
        "source": "JP",
        "tags": null,
        "topic": null,
        "summary": "What about Soeharto? To most of us it must be heartening to see that besides setting a definite agenda for democratic reform through fair and open general elections as soon as possible, other issues of grave national concern such as putting a limit on the political role of the now all-powerful Armed Forces (ABRI) -- especially by reducing, if not altogether abolishing, the number of seats it is appointed in the House of Representatives -- are getting the due attention of representatives at the...",
        "content": "<p>What about Soeharto?<\/p>\n<p>To most of us it must be heartening to see that besides<br>\nsetting a definite agenda for democratic reform through fair and<br>\nopen general elections as soon as possible, other issues of grave<br>\nnational concern such as putting a limit on the political role of<br>\nthe now all-powerful Armed Forces (ABRI) -- especially by<br>\nreducing, if not altogether abolishing, the number of seats it is<br>\nappointed in the House of Representatives -- are getting the due<br>\nattention of representatives at the ongoing Special Session of<br>\nthe People's Consultative Assembly (MPR).<\/p>\n<p>One might on the other hand wonder, though, why such a<br>\nseemingly simple issue such as holding ex-president Soeharto<br>\naccountable for the wrongdoings he committed while he was in<br>\npower over the past 32 years appears to be making little headway<br>\nin the Assembly's discussions. After all, as holder of the MPR's<br>\nmandate to govern, wouldn't it be natural to expect a president<br>\nto present the Assembly with an account of his acts and policies<br>\nwhenever he ends his term or resigns? And wouldn't it be only<br>\nnatural to expect the MPR to ask for such an account?<\/p>\n<p>With this being the last day of the MPR Special Session,<br>\nhowever, reports coming out of the Assembly have indicated that<br>\nthere is little hope that a specific decree calling for an<br>\ninvestigation into the wealth of the former president and that of<br>\nhis family and cronies will be forthcoming since both the Golkar<br>\nand Armed Forces (ABRI) factions, who together dominate the<br>\nAssembly, have refused to discuss the proposal altogether.<\/p>\n<p>The minority United Development Party (PPP), reflecting the<br>\nfeeling of people outside the MPR building, is the only faction<br>\nin the Assembly calling for such a decree. Golkar and ABRI are<br>\nonly willing as far as inserting the subject as a clause in a<br>\ndecree on clean governance. This is another display of their<br>\nhalfhearted commitment to clean up corruption. A clause in a<br>\ndecree can easily be ignored, but a specific decree would give<br>\nthe needed impetus to kick start the investigation.<\/p>\n<p>One might ask how -- without an official probe into the<br>\nSoeharto clan's wealth, its extent and how it was acquired -- the<br>\nAssembly expects to effectively establish good and clean<br>\ngovernance -- a goal that all parties claim to be set on<br>\nachieving. A solid future cannot be built on decayed foundations.<\/p>\n<p>As the public understands it, one major difficulty in tracing<br>\nirregularities in the Soeharto clan's ownership of assets is that<br>\nmany or most of them appear to have been properly acquired --<br>\nthat is, at least when measured by strictly legal standards. Yet,<br>\nin the public's reasoning, considering the unbelievable extent of<br>\nthe family's holdings -- not to mention cronies -- they clearly<br>\nmust have been accumulated through improper means. Evidently<br>\nthere is a good deal to say for this line of reasoning. Few if<br>\nany of the public companies which this country counts, for<br>\nexample, are not in some way or another dependent on services<br>\nthat can be provided only by companies owned by members or<br>\ncronies of Soeharto's family.<\/p>\n<p>Corruption? Not necessarily if one were to look only at the<br>\nterms of the contracts. Yet, obviously, this is not a situation<br>\nthat a democratic egalitarian society would tolerate. Obviously,<br>\nit is primarily the government's task to initiate this huge job<br>\nof laying bare the tentacles of corruption and\/or mismanagement<br>\nthat have undermined our economy for so long. On the practical<br>\nside, uncovering the economic and bureaucratic mismanagement of<br>\nthe Soeharto era could make it easier for the authorities to<br>\nrecover lost assets and set standards for improvement. Proving<br>\nirregularities could also make it easier for the government to<br>\nrenegotiate unfavorable contracts with foreign partners.<\/p>\n<p>Last but certainly not least, a good deal more sincerity than<br>\nis apparent now in probing the Soeharto fortunes would also<br>\nappease critics who believe the government is either unable or<br>\nunwilling to reveal Soeharto's past misdeeds.<\/p>\n<p>Unfortunately, the only thing such hesitance achieves is to<br>\narouse suspicions that our present bureaucratic elite -- who were<br>\nall or nearly all raised under the New Order -- has itself things<br>\nto hide that could not bear to see the light of day.<\/p>",
        "url": "https:\/\/jawawa.id\/newsitem\/what-about-soeharto-1447893297",
        "image": ""
    },
    "sponsor": "Okusi Associates",
    "sponsor_url": "https:\/\/okusiassociates.com"
}