War will never solve our problems<\/p>\n
Rizal Sukma, Jakarta<\/p>\n
The territorial dispute between Indonesia and Malaysia on the
\nownership of the Ambalat oil and gas block has taken an
\nincreasingly ugly turn. Several Indonesian politicians and
\nlegislators have repeatedly called for the government to declare
\nwar against Malaysia. Demonstration after demonstration is being
\nstaged across Indonesia. The old slogan Ganyang Malaysia (Crush
\nMalaysia) -- is being voiced again. Some organizations have even
\nbegun to register volunteers to support a war with Malaysia.<\/p>\n
Of course, there is nothing wrong with the determination and
\nspirit showed by elements of the society to protect Indonesia's
\nsovereignty over Ambalat. Indeed, it is the obligation of every
\ncitizen to defend his\/her country from foreign encroachment. Seen
\nfrom Indonesia's point of view, Malaysia's claim over Ambalat
\nclearly presents such a case. What becomes a problem, however, is
\nhow quickly some of us resort to the call for war as a means to
\nresolve conflict.<\/p>\n
Is Indonesia really prepared to go to war with Malaysia?
\nFortunately, those in the executive branch of the government
\nstill think rationally. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono
\nclearly stated that the conflict should be resolved through
\ndiplomatic means. Indonesian Military (TNI) chief Gen.
\nEndriartono Sutarto has also maintained that the TNI prefers
\ndiplomatic means over the use of force. Until today, very few --
\nif any -- within the government think that Indonesia should
\nreally go to war with Malaysia.<\/p>\n
As a civilized nation who always takes pride in our culture,
\nhistory, and national morality, we should understand that war
\nshould be the last option in resolving a dispute. Indeed, as a
\nnation, we strongly believe that war will never solve any
\nproblem. That is the main reason why Indonesia has opposed the
\nU.S. occupation of Iraq. Indonesia has also opposed the use of
\nforce against the Taliban in Afghanistan.<\/p>\n
We should remember that Indonesia played an instrumental role
\nin bringing stability to the Association of Southeast Asian
\nNations (ASEAN), after the dust of konfrontasi with Malaysia
\nsettled. It was also Indonesia that promoted ASEAN's Treaty of
\nAmity and Cooperation (TAC) which denounces the use of force as a
\nmeans of resolving bilateral conflicts. More recently, it is
\nIndonesia that pushed for the establishment of the ASEAN Security
\nCommunity (ASC).<\/p>\n
As for Malaysia, many Indonesians feel that there has been a
\ngrowing tendency in that country to look down on Indonesia. For
\nexample, Malaysian leaders have never concealed their feelings
\nabout reformasi. They are displeased by political changes and the
\nemergence of democracy in Indonesia and view it as a source of
\ntrouble for the region. While Indonesia is largely responsible
\nfor the failure to provide jobs for its citizens, the treatment
\nof Indonesia's illegal workers in Malaysia has really hurt
\nIndonesia's dignity. Some nationalists in Indonesia remain
\ndissatisfied with the loss of Sipadan and Ligitan Islands. The
\nclaim by Malaysia over Ambalat has only added fuel to the fire.<\/p>\n
Our pride and dignity as a nation has been hurt by the
\narrogant attitude showed by the Malaysian authorities. The latest
\nproblem over Ambalat is only the tip of the iceberg. But again,
\nare there enough reasons to declare war on our closest neighbor?<\/p>\n
Whatever problems we are having with Malaysia, unless we are
\ninvaded by that country, we should not contemplate war as a
\nsolution. we should be able to demonstrate that we prefer to
\nresolve conflict through diplomatic and legal means. Until all
\ndiplomatic measures have been exhausted, war should never be
\nconsidered as a solution.<\/p>\n
This position, however, should not be taken as a sign of
\nweakness. In fact, it serves as a reminder of Indonesia's
\nstrength in its belief in peaceful conflict-resolution.<\/p>\n
However, it should also be stressed that Malaysia should not
\ntry to take advantage of this position. Leaders of both countries
\nshould restrain themselves, and their respective domestic
\nconstituencies, to prevent the situation turning from bad to
\nworse. This can only be achieved if Malaysia's government begins
\nto show some respect for Indonesia, and engage in open dialog
\nwith Jakarta to find a face-saving formula for Kuala Lumpur to
\nrenounce its claim over Ambalat.<\/p>\n
What is more curious in the current Jakarta-Kuala Lumpur
\nconflict is the fact that ASEAN is no where to be seen. There
\nhave not been any significant efforts from ASEAN to help diffuse
\nthe tension. In fact, there is no institutionalized mechanism
\nwithin ASEAN to respond to such a problem among member states. As
\nan institution for regional cooperation, ASEAN has always been
\nreticent when it comes to political and security issues. Indeed,
\nthe tension between Indonesia and Malaysia, and the silence of
\nASEAN, has once again demonstrated the growing irrelevance of the
\nassociation.<\/p>\n
For Indonesia, there is indeed an important lesson that we
\nshould learn, not only from the dispute over Ambalat but also
\nfrom the entire story of our relationship with Malaysia. We are
\nreminded that our dignity as a nation is at the lowest ebb, not
\nbecause we are poor, but because we have never seriously tried to
\nmatch words with deeds.<\/p>\n
We always said that a weak nation -- both in economic and
\nmilitary terms -- is never respected by others, but we never try
\nhard to make ourselves strong. We have said in the Defense White
\nPaper 2004, that threats to our national security have always
\nbeen maritime-based, but we continue to insist on a concept of
\ndefense that obliges all citizens to be ready to defend the
\ncountry (hankamrata). We claim to be an archipelagic state, but
\nour naval capability has been in a dire state for decades.<\/p>\n
So, what should be done? We should make the current crisis
\nover Ambalat a turning point for matching words with deeds. We
\nshould immediately begin to undertake a major review of our
\ndefense policy, strategy, and posture. The Ambalat case clearly
\nshows us that we have no credible deterrent capability. It also
\nshows us that we will have difficulty in matching the naval
\ncapability of Malaysia.<\/p>\n
Therefore, it is time for Indonesia to pay more serious
\nattention to building the Navy and the Air Force. Indonesia's
\ndefense force structure should give equal treatment to the three
\nservices. That will require a fundamental restructuring of the
\nexisting territorial command structure (Komando Teritorial) as
\nmandated by Law No. 34\/2004 on Indonesia's defense force, a force
\nmodernization plan, organizational changes and revision of
\ndoctrines.<\/p>\n
At a national level, Indonesia's government can no longer
\nignore the need to formulate a comprehensive national security
\nstrategy. The importance of military modernization as suggested
\nabove cannot be separated from other elements of the national
\nstrategy. Here, our national security strategy should be based on
\nfour pillars: Diplomacy, democracy, development and defense.<\/p>\n
These four elements should be designed as an integrated
\nframework that guides us to ensure our national survival, defend
\nour core interests, protect the security of both the state and
\nthe citizens, and contribute to the stability of the region and
\nbeyond.<\/p>\n
Dr. Rizal Sukma is the Director of Studies at CSIS, Jakarta.
\nHe can be reached at rsukma@csis.or.id.<\/p>",
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