Violence against media: Another `dictator' is here<\/p>\n
Solahudin, Secretary-General, Alliance of Independent Journalists
\n(AJI), Jakarta<\/p>\n
A former chief editor once said of press freedom: \"Press
\nfreedom means that I can rest well at deadline. I no longer need
\nto scrutinize and correct all the copy which could make the
\ncountry's leaders mad.\"<\/p>\n
Today we indeed no longer have dictators. But this does not
\nmean the end of threats toward the press. The latest case was
\nSaturday's demonstration by supporters of businessman Tomy Winata
\nat the Central Jakarta office of Tempo magazine. While it was
\nperfectly valid and legal for them to protest against the report
\nregarding Tomy which they saw as slander, violence was also
\ninvolved through the assault on chief editor Bambang Harymurti
\nand one of the editors, according to witnesses. This occurred
\ndespite the fact that on Friday Tempo had received a written
\ncomplaint and the parties had agreed to a dialog or legal
\nrecourse to settle the matter.<\/p>\n
The report in the edition of March 3 revealed indications of
\nTomy's business interests in his Artha Graha Group following the
\nrecent fire which destroyed the Tanah Abang market in Central
\nJakarta; Tomy was said to have proposed to the city authorities a
\nrenovation project worth about Rp 53 billion, three months prior
\nto the fire. The business group has in turn accused Tempo of
\ncharacter assassination.<\/p>\n
Saturday's incident is not the first this year, and data from
\nthe Southeast Asian Press Alliance (SEAPA) shows that in this era
\nof press freedom, intimidation and violence has increased
\nsignificantly compared to the time of the New Order.<\/p>\n
Most of the above cases were triggered by dissatisfaction with
\nmedia reports. But why did they resort to intimidation and
\nviolence? Why not legal recourse? The problem is that press
\nfreedom in this transition toward democracy has not occurred
\ntogether with legal reform, which has remained largely unchanged
\nsince the New Order -- with regards the laws and also the
\npersonnel.<\/p>\n
The result is that legal action is unpopular when it comes to
\nparties dissatisfied with press reports. Both the parties unhappy
\nwith the reports and also the press then stand to lose; while the
\nperpetrators have almost always got away with their acts of
\nintimidation, assault or murder of journalists. Last year 90
\npercent of 70 cases of intimidation and violence toward members
\nof the press were reported to the police -- but the police hardly
\nfollowed up on any of the reports.<\/p>\n
This is where law enforcers contribute to continued violence
\nagainst journalists. The absence of penalties has become an
\nincentive for parties disappointed with the press to opt for
\nviolent means to express their dissatisfaction. The popular
\nreaction to offensive reports has been to attack and vandalize
\nmedia offices.<\/p>\n
Moreover, in the past three years the police been most often
\nknown to assault journalists. Instead of arresting the
\nperpetrators of violence and protecting journalists, the police
\nhave instead been party to those driving away reporters and
\nhitting them.<\/p>\n
Amid low public trust in the law attempts to reduce cases of
\nviolence have been far from easy. But there are at least three
\nmeasures which can be taken in this regard.<\/p>\n
First, raise solidarity within the media. Cases of violence
\nhave mostly been faced only by the media concerned or
\njournalists; joint resistance has been rare, while this is
\ncrucial to reduce violence against the press.<\/p>\n
This is evident in Yogyakarta, where cases of violence against
\njournalists are quite low. This may be at least partially
\nattributable to the strong solidarity created following the 1996
\ndeath of Bernas daily journalist Muhammad Fuad Syafrudin (Udin).
\nFollowing his death Yogyakarta journalists immediately set up the
\n\"White Kijang\" team (after the vehicle they used) to investigate
\nthe murder. The results led to heads rolling among suspected
\nofficials, though his killer remains free. Those thinking of
\nintimidating journalists in Yogyakarta now think twice.<\/p>\n
Second, the role of mediators such as the Press Council must
\nbe strengthened. One of its tasks is to be a mediator in disputes
\nbetween the press and any party dissatisfied with reports. The
\nCouncil would then impose moral sanctions on the said media
\nfollowing its investigation into the matter. Some think this is
\nnot enough, nevertheless the press must be regulated by the
\npublic without government interference.<\/p>\n
The last measure would be to increase professionalism through
\nenforcing the code of ethics among the press. Many incidents of
\nviolence and intimidation have been triggered by reports
\nconsidered unfair or inaccurate.<\/p>\n
In any case violence against the press must end as it is a
\nthreat not only to press freedom but to freedom of expression.
\nIntimidation and violence also threaten the public's basic right
\nto know because such cases unwittingly lead to self censorship
\nwhich in turn results in distorted reports hiding possibly vital
\ninformation. The public thus becomes the ultimate victim of
\ndespotism when it can no longer exercise control through the
\npress.<\/p>",
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