U.S.-RI ties ambivalence but friendly<\/p>\n
By Mohammad Sadli<\/p>\n
SAINT PAUL, Minnesota, United States (JP): For two years now a
\ngroup of Americans and Indonesians have been mounting a public
\neducation campaign in the United States. Not an expensive
\noperation but hopefully effective. The Asia Society in New York,
\nthe Center for Strategic and International Studies in Jakarta and
\na new organization called the U.S.-Indonesia Society, initiated
\nby former U.S. ambassadors in Jakarta (including Edward Masters
\nand Paul Wolfowitz), and influential Indonesians such as the
\nprofessors Emil Salim and Sumitro Djojohadikusumo, have sponsored
\na series of public seminars in a number of major cities in the
\nUnited States to persuade the American public that Indonesia is
\nnot only about violations of humans, workers' and intellectual
\nproperty rights and freedom of the press.<\/p>\n
Indonesia is little known by the American public. It seldom
\nhits the front pages of The New York Times or a CNN newscast. The
\ntrouble with the American media is that normally "good news" from
\ndeveloping countries is considered incapable of catching the eye
\nof the public. On the other hand, apart from natural disasters
\nsuch as earthquakes and tidal waves, man-made disturbances such
\nas revolutions, unruly demonstrations, shootings and killings,
\nare.<\/p>\n
Since the Cold War is over, American and other Western
\nsocieties are in a crusading mood about human rights, self-
\ndetermination and democracy. NGOs flourish among the younger
\ngeneration and some advocacy movements are very vocal in
\ndefending minorities, women and ethnic groups, whose rights they
\nconsider being trampled or not properly respected. These NGOs are
\nalso ardent campaigners of the environment and they regard some
\ndeveloping countries as squandering the heritage of mankind. In
\nthe United States, the Democratic Party is known to be more
\nattuned to such populist issues than the Republican Party, which
\nhas a reputation of being more pro-business. That is why
\nIndonesia has rougher sailing in Washington DC now than under the
\nRepublican administration.<\/p>\n
Thus this joint undertaking is for public education in the
\nUnited States. Public education is not the same as public
\nrelations. Public relations is an information campaign to show
\nonly the good side. Public education does not negate the
\ncontroversial aspects but tries to persuade the public that those
\nare only one part of the whole story and that the other aspects
\nshould also be known and be recognized as parts of the equation.<\/p>\n
The more positive aspects of the Indonesian story is, among
\nothers things, the good news about economic growth and
\nperformance. That is the part American businesses like to hear.
\nBut even here it is worth knowing that, especially since last
\nyear, many new opportunities have been seized by American
\nbusinesses, as was pointed out by Ambassador Robert Barry, who
\nfor two years in a row repeatedly informed seminar audiences
\nabout the new development, especially since the Blake Island APEC
\nforum. At the Bogor APEC forum, billions of dollars in American
\ninvestments were ceremonially blessed by the presence of
\npresidents, prime ministers or ministers.<\/p>\n
Hence, Ambassador Barry does not think that the bilateral
\nrelations are in serious trouble because of threats to withhold
\nGSP rights, criticism about happenings in East Timor and closure
\nof popular mass media. But he does not conceal that the U.S.
\nadministration and Congress remain very concerned about alleged
\nviolations of human, workers' and intellectual property rights.<\/p>\n
U.S.-Indonesian relations cover economic, political and
\nsecurity concerns. Ambassador Barry likes to see the two-way
\ntrade doubling in five years and so far the trend is on track.
\nU.S. investments have also been up very much, for instance in
\noil-and-gas, mining (Freeport expanding its copper mine and,
\ntogether with Japanese partners, is constructing a large copper
\nrefinery) and infrastructure (power plants, telecommunication,
\netc.).<\/p>\n
Yes, the U.S. remains critical about certain social and
\npolitical issues, such as with respect to East Timor, workers'
\nrights and the right to publish, but the dialog and diplomacy
\nhave become more restraining, more engaging while avoiding open
\nconfrontation. Security in the Asia Pacific area is still very
\nimportant to the U.S., and in this respect Indonesia, an
\nimportant country because of size of population and geography,
\nhas played a very constructive role. The continued cooperation of
\nIndonesia is indispensable to the United States whose super-power
\ncapabilities have become restricted. Hence the bilateral
\nrelations have matured, especially since the Blake Island and
\nBogor forums where the two national leaders learned to appreciate
\neach other.<\/p>\n
Indonesia, who is playing a very important role
\ninternationally, such as that of current leader of the Non-
\nAligned Movement, has also become aware that this role requires a
\nless blemished record nationally as well as internationally.
\nIndonesia has to be willing to pay a price for international
\nrespect and influence. The more so if it sooner or later aspires
\nto become a permanent member of the UN Security Council.<\/p>\n
Coming back to the series of public seminars in the United
\nStates to attain a more rounded image of Indonesia, one question
\nis how to determine whether the costs in terms of money and
\nprecious time of ministers visiting the U.S. -- Minister
\nAriwibowo made a special trip to Washington DC, and last year
\nForeign Minister Alatas deftly fielded interventions on East
\nTimor in New York -- are worth the while. Indonesia has been
\nrelatively obscure and under-reported during much of the past
\ntwenty-five years of the New Order government and that was not
\nill-suited.<\/p>\n
The Philippines, India and China are much more known by the
\ngeneral public in the U.S. but that does not always guarantee
\nfriendly publicity. When a Western country feels close to a
\ndeveloping country, often it is more critical and ambivalent, as
\nthough in a love-hate relationship. The Netherlands and Australia
\nhave such feelings toward Indonesia, and the U.S. toward the
\nPhilippines and China, close allies during World War II.<\/p>\n
How would one measure the success or effectiveness of a
\ncampaign of public education like the one the Asia Society is
\nundertaking on behalf of Indonesia with the support of
\norganizations such as the U.S.-Indonesia Society and
\nthe Center for Strategic and International Studies, and which is
\nnot a costless affair? The Asia Society will not repeat its
\nassistance next year. How much should the Indonesian sponsors
\nthen spend in terms of money and effort to persuade the best
\npeople to contribute precious time to travel? There are no clear
\nmeasurements of success of effectiveness.<\/p>\n
For sure, the East Timor problem will not go away from the
\ninternational scene, however much public relations and education
\nIndonesia undertakes. It can only be resolved if no disturbing
\nincident pops up every now and then. The solution to the problem
\nlies in East Timor for the most part, and for another part with
\nthe UN, because the unfortunate thing for Indonesia is that the
\nUN has not recognized the inclusion of the territory into the
\nrepublic. And with the rising influence of the NGOs in the West,
\ntheir governments cannot disregard their demands, even if they
\nwanted to.<\/p>\n
Indonesia can live with the East Timor situation unresolved
\nbecause it does not threaten its political and economic
\nexistence. I asked an ambassador whether for Indonesia the Timor
\nproblem is "a nuisance, a nasty irritant or a stone under its
\nfoot hindering forward movement". The ambassador was convinced it
\nwas the last one. It may have material costs in the possible
\nforsaking of the International Military Education Training
\nprogram and possible GSP (General System of Preferences)
\nfacilities.<\/p>\n
An Indian staffer of the Asia Society who attended the
\nseminars tells me that Indonesia stands a good chance of becoming
\na permanent member of the UN Security Council, but it must have
\nthe endorsement of ASEAN, the non-aligned movement, the
\ninternational Islamic community and last but not least of APEC
\n(with its G-7 members).<\/p>\n
Although from a parochial interest he would like India to
\nbecome the new member, he is doubtful whether India can mount the
\ninternational support. India also is encumbered by a political
\nmillstone, the Kashmir problem. Hence the East Timor problem
\ncould stand in the way of Indonesia's aspiration.<\/p>\n
The Timor problem was not raised in cities outside Washington
\nand New York, and in Washington DC only to a certain extent at
\nCapitol Hill. Although some of the Indonesians became very
\nconcerned, American friends tried to reassure that the
\ninterventions at the Hill were done in a spirit of friendship.
\nThere was no reprimanding, no lecturing. It was more an
\nexpression of deep American concerns. The morning meeting at the
\nHill they saw as a big success: Fifteen staffers attended and
\nfour senators dropped in and out (apart from greeting the
\nIndonesian delegation these senators had to move back and forth
\nbetween committee meetings and a visit of King Hassan).<\/p>\n
The meeting showed that Indonesia could count on an increasing
\nreservoir of goodwill. In this respect, the amount of time and
\neffort the Indonesians expended was well spent and a good gesture
\nof reciprocating that goodwill. Understanding, sympathy and
\ngoodwill require constant feeding and nurturing.<\/p>\n
Our American hosts in the various city seminars, and also Asia
\nSociety officials who can compare, have praised the quality and
\ncandor of the discussions and many participants who paid the
\nUS$60 ($30 for students) registration fee regard it worth their
\nwhile. The audience was greater than expected. In Washington DC
\nabout fifty had to be turned away (about 250 packed a hotel
\nconference room), and in other cities the conference rooms were
\nnicely filled and people stayed through to the end. Last year I
\nwrote a similar piece for The Jakarta Post and I selected the
\neye-catching title: "U.S.-Indonesia relations: On a Collision
\nCourse?"<\/p>\n
I have to be milder this year.<\/p>\n
The writer is a prominent economist and a former cabinet
\nmember.<\/p>",
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