Two former generals to steal the show<\/p>\n
Pitan Daslani, Jakarta<\/p>\n
When the reform movement rocked the country in May 1998, the
\ntheme of the political campaign was \"Drive president Soeharto out
\nalong with the Indonesian Military (TNI).\" Six years later,
\nIndonesians are now rallying behind two retired army generals in
\nthe race for the position Soeharto once occupied for 32 years.<\/p>\n
Six years before Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono quit President
\nMegawati Soekarnoputri's Cabinet, nobody would have believed this
\nwould be the case. In fact, it wasn't until Gen. (ret.) Wiranto
\nhanded Golkar leader Akbar Tandjung a humiliating defeat in
\nGolkar's candidacy race, that many realized the political
\npendulum had swung back so fast.<\/p>\n
The success of the reform movement has been to escort former
\ngenerals back on stage for a national leadership contest. Had
\nreformists really understood the high degree of Indonesian
\npolitical elasticity, they wouldn't have hastily pointed the
\nfinger at the military as the source of the destruction of
\ndemocracy; they wouldn't have assumed that only civilians knew
\nwhat democracy was all about.<\/p>\n
Such an extreme assumption is certainly not meant to discount
\nthe reputation and chances of other top politicians in the
\npresidential race. But the plain fact is that even self-
\nproclaimed civilian reformists are now rallying behind either of
\nthe former generals, hoping to be given a seat in the next
\nnational administration.<\/p>\n
Those whose parties performed badly in recent elections are
\neither teaming up under the pretext of \"salvaging the nation,\" or
\nlobbying around for coalitions. The very politicians who used to
\nbehave like the holy judges, handing out punishments to the
\nmilitary, are now the people clamoring for a share of the pie in
\nthe next government. The very politicians who used to think
\nmilitary figures would no longer be welcomed by the people are
\nthe politicians calling the two generals' personal secretaries
\nseeking private meetings.<\/p>\n
Wiranto and Susilo have convinced the nation the military is
\nactually more prepared for reform than the civilian camps of
\nreformists.<\/p>\n
Why the generals and not civilian politicians, have emerged as
\nthe strongest contenders for the next presidency is a question
\nthat irks certain circles in this country. But at the same time
\nit is a milestone for the redefinition of Indonesian reform -- it
\nis now no longer a civilian-only business.<\/p>\n
Indonesian reform is reshaping. It is developing into a new
\nparadigm -- change for the national interest that does not
\nrecognize the dichotomy of the military versus civilian
\nsupremacy.<\/p>\n
What is still lacking, however, is a clear direction or road
\nmap. The national theater has displayed only reactionary
\npolitics. Political parties compete for power but when in control
\nof the nation, the lack of direction remains.<\/p>\n
This happened during the tenure of Abdurrahman Wahid and later
\nduring that of Megawati Soekarnoputri, who rose to power on
\npublic sympathy and saw a decline in her party's performance
\nduring the recent election because of internal bickering and
\npolicy failures. National stability, integrity, dignity and the
\nreform agenda were at stake.<\/p>\n
Reform policies executed by civilian leaders have not worked
\nwell because this is a country where the horse has to be whipped
\nhard to make it run.<\/p>\n
What was lacking with Habibie, Wahid and now Megawati, is
\nstrong leadership. The military knows this very well. They know
\nthat unless the country has strong leadership, threats of
\ndisintegration will loom large while the rule of law will remain
\na dream and a lack of policy will characterize the government's
\nperformance.<\/p>\n
Wiranto and Susilo have emerged as symbols of strong national
\nleadership even though they have yet to prove their capabilities
\nas presidents. But given the fact they are close to one another
\nemotionally, choosing either of them in the next presidential
\nelection will swing the gate wide open for more and more military
\nfigures to reenter the political theater.<\/p>\n
How tough would the contest be, should Wiranto and Yudhoyono
\nemerge as the main contenders for the presidential race? The two
\ngenerals have long-maintained a symbiotic relationship, they
\nlisten to each other, they need each other and they have always
\nrallied behind each other in times of crisis.<\/p>\n
When former president Abdurrahman was looking for the right
\nman to occupy the position of Army Chief of Staff, Wiranto
\nlobbied hard to install Susilo, although the move was blocked by
\nthe former president who had hand-picked Tyasno Sudarto for the
\njob after meeting him in secret.<\/p>\n
Wiranto did not lie down. He struggled all out against the
\npresident and eventually succeeded in securing a ministerial
\nposition for Susilo, who he then referred to as the \"TNI's best
\nofficer.\"<\/p>\n
In return, Susilo has been a staunch defender of Wiranto over
\nallegations about the latter's human rights record in East Timor.
\nAt one point, Wiranto asked international media representatives
\nto go and ask Susilo whether he knew of any violations of human
\nrights when Wiranto was minister of defense and TNI commander.<\/p>\n
The two generals are like two sides of the same coin. As chief
\nof TNI's social-political staff (Kasospol), Susilo used to have
\nfrequent consultations with his then commander. He was generally
\nseen as the brain behind Wiranto's political moves that led to a
\ncommunity leaders meeting in Kemayoran, the embryo that developed
\ninto the \"Ciganjur Plus\" meeting, preceding the dismantling of
\nthe Habibie regime.<\/p>\n
If it were not for their different political platforms today,
\nthe two generals would be like brothers. They reached prominence
\nin the military during Soeharto's reign and they were both close
\nto the former ruler.<\/p>\n
With such a symbiotic relationship binding their long military
\ncareers, their likely confrontation in the presidential race
\nshould not be presumed as being a battle between enemies. They
\nare still close friends and only a chair ( in the President's
\npalace) near the Monas Square will make them confront each other.
\nRemove that chair from the picture and you would see their true
\ncolors.<\/p>\n
To the military, whether Wiranto or Susilo wins the
\npresidential race does not make much difference. The interest of
\nthe military is to see strong national leadership to ensure
\nnational unity and territorial integrity, stability and order.
\nThis is what has been lacking since Soeharto left office.<\/p>\n
It now is not important whether or not the next president
\ncomes from the military or is a civilian. This message should be
\npassed on to university campuses so that students will not be
\nstirred up by political opportunists to rock the nation with
\ndemonstrations in a bogus defense of the public interest.<\/p>\n
Campus reaction to the rise of Wiranto and Susilo will show
\nwhether the Indonesian reform movement has a clear direction or
\nwhether it is only a vehicle for experimenters to pursue selfish
\nambitions.<\/p>\n
The above contributor can be reached at pitand@singapore.com.<\/p>", "url": "https:\/\/jawawa.id\/newsitem\/two-former-generals-to-steal-the-show-1447893297", "image": "" }, "sponsor": "Okusi Associates", "sponsor_url": "https:\/\/okusiassociates.com" }