Tough task of autonomy<\/p>\n
The outgoing House of Representatives made history last week
\nwhen it passed two decentralization laws, both sponsored by the
\nadministration.<\/p>\n
The first law, passed on Wednesday, allows the a greater say
\nfor regional administrations and legislatures in managing their
\naffairs. Excluded from the legislation are matters relating to
\ndefense and security, foreign, judicial, monetary, fiscal and
\nreligious affairs, which will remain in the hands of the central
\ngovernment.<\/p>\n
The second law, passed two days later, gives resources-rich
\nprovinces substantial shares in the annual revenue from oil and
\nnatural gas, forestry and fishery production.<\/p>\n
The laws hold great historical meaning because in the past the
\nmention of decentralization was taboo, or translated into a mere
\nshow of autonomy, because presidents Sukarno and Soeharto were
\nstrongly against the idea.<\/p>\n
As some regions tried to force their wish and Jakarta
\nresponded by crushing the movements at any cost, the road leading
\nto what was achieved last week was lined with blood and tears.<\/p>\n
The central government's ironfisted rule was marked by naked
\nimbalance. And it hurt. People of resource-rich provinces
\nsubsisted in abject poverty, yet a poor region like Central Java
\ncould build a palatial residence for its governor.<\/p>\n
Against this backdrop of inequity, the laws may appear to be
\noverdue, but Indonesians love the old adage \"better late than
\nnever\".<\/p>\n
Last week's move served to distinguish the Habibie
\nadministration from previous ones, but separatist sentiments are
\nbeing voiced louder after the latest round of brutal crackdowns
\nin several rebellious provinces. The government might be
\nconvinced that granting large-scale autonomy to resource-rich
\nprovinces is the best instrument to quiet the clamor and prevent
\nthe breakup of the republic.<\/p>\n
Now it is the task of the provincial and district
\nadministrations to handle the autonomy with care. It is not easy
\nbecause the tasks, which include budget management, are
\nconsiderable. Will the people elect able members of the assembly,
\nand do all the provinces and district have enough experts to
\neffect the process of autonomy?<\/p>\n
In the past, the performance by the provincial and district
\nofficials was deplorable. The limited budget provided by the
\ncentral government was squandered to buy luxury cars for regents,
\nand the New Order's dirty political system rendered local
\nassemblies impotent in facing the powerful petty power holders.<\/p>\n
In the future, members of the local assemblies will be elected
\nin the general election and an effective check-and-balance system
\nsupposedly will be in place. But since some regions will continue
\nto be remarkably affluent in comparison to their less fortunate
\ncounterparts, the temptation to sample from the forbidden fruit
\nwill be much greater.<\/p>\n
Reform and decentralization are tough jobs, but ones
\neverybody is expected to realize through a sincere commitment and
\nwish to succeed.<\/p>",
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"sponsor": "Okusi Associates",
"sponsor_url": "https:\/\/okusiassociates.com"
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