Toraja's ancestral 'tau-tau' figures<\/p>\n
By Stanislaus Sandarupa<\/p>\n
TANA TORAJA, South Sulawesi (JP): The following is based upon
\nfieldwork conducted in 1991 at Rembon, in the district of
\nSaluputti, Tana Toraja, and focuses on the ritual art of making a
\ntau-tau (effigy). In this case, a tau-tau of Ne'Bine, a woman who
\ndied in 1989 at the age of 80, and was given a rapasan (a funeral
\nceremony of the highest level) in 1991. A rapasan is based on the
\ntraditional Torajan religion of Aluk To Dolo.<\/p>\n
The rites and wood of a tau-tau may vary from region to region
\nand in accordance with the social status of the deceased. Some
\npeople are only permitted to have tau-tau lampa, a temporary tau-
\ntau made of bamboo. Others may be able to afford a tau-tau made
\nof kapok. People belonging to the upper class may have an effigy
\nmade of the wood of a nangka (jackfruit) tree.<\/p>\n
Ne'Bine's tau-tau was carved from nangka wood, one of the
\nhighest quality woods reserved for a nobleman or noblewoman. The
\ncarver is called Ne' Sanda, 70, the only effigy maker for the
\nvillages of Kole and Ulu Sulu.<\/p>\n
Tau-tau derives from the root tau (its cognate form is to)
\nwhich means person. The reduplication form of tau-tau implies a
\nnegative, that is, not a real person. It is sometimes called
\nbombo (spirit), or payo-payo (shadow).<\/p>\n
Within the funeral ritual context, tau refers to to mate (dead
\nperson), while tau-tau refers to its representation, so the
\ncontrast is between to mate and tau-tau.<\/p>\n
How are we to understand the relationship between the two
\nwithin the cultural framework of Toraja people?<\/p>\n
While many people have interpreted the tau-tau as a
\nrepresentation of a dead person, one must be careful because the
\ninterpretation seems to emphasize the aspect of death. Rather, a
\ntau-tau is best understood as an ancestral figure, emphasizing
\nthe Torajan worldview of the principle of continuity of cycle
\nlife.<\/p>\n
This principle is culturally played by massinggi tau-tau
\n(eulogizing the tau-tau) and manggaraga tau-tau (the ritual of
\nmaking a tau-tau), the structure of which bears an iconic
\nrelationship to each other, in this case the noble lady, Ne'Bine.<\/p>\n
Singgi tau-tau (the effigy's eulogy text), which is narrated
\nby the to minaa (the ritual specialist) after the tau-tau's
\ncompletion, consists of the beginning of life in heaven, life in
\nthis world and life after death.<\/p>\n
The purpose of making the tau-tau is to symbolically enact
\nsuch a continuity of life through the mediation of the east-
\nfacing ritual and west-facing ritual, interchangeably performed
\nwithin the funeral ritual.<\/p>\n
One cannot fail to note that a number of rites performed in
\nthe funeral ritual are actually structured on the opposition
\nbetween life and death (as it is exemplified in the opposition
\nbetween ma karu dusan: to cause the dead person to die, and
\nma'tundan: to cause the dead person to wake up).<\/p>\n
A eulogy's first section deals with the two phases of life:
\nphase one being the heavenly origin of life, the mythical reality
\nof pregnancy and childbirth in heaven, and phase two being the
\nearthly life in this world.<\/p>\n
The heavenly origin of life is acted out by the pande tau-tau
\n(effigy maker) by carving the tau-tau's head and the body out of
\nwood from a jackfruit tree. All rites that accompany this carving
\nare classified as aluk rampe matallo (life ritual).<\/p>\n
Artwork on the tau-tau begins after performing ma'tundan,
\n(waking up the dead person), the rite of the second part of the
\nupper class funeral ritual. Using a pencil and a sharp knife, the
\neffigy maker begins to fashion the life-size effigy, detailing
\neach part the body, from the dibala lindo (face), to the ma'lette
\nand ma'lima (legs and arms).<\/p>\n
After fashioning the head, the carver continues to carve in
\nsequence the ma'sadang (mouth), ma'illong (nose), ma'mata (eyes),
\nma'talinga (ears), mangngasa isi (teeth), ma'baroko (neck),
\nma'barangkang (breast), ma'lassak (waist and genital organs),
\nma'lette (legs) and ma'lima (arms), each of which is preceded by
\nthe rite bai todi (sacrificing a pig), used as an offering to the
\ndeities and the ancestors.<\/p>\n
When the carving is finished, the massabu rite is performed to
\nmark the tau-tau's completion. This part is the symbolic
\nenactment of the birth of the noble lady.<\/p>\n
One pig is sacrificed as an offering to the deities and
\nancestors. This rite marks the beginning of a number of
\nactivities for the coming major ritual.<\/p>\n
The eulogy further talks about the second phase of life, lino,
\nwhich focuses on the growth of the noble lady from childhood to
\nmaturity, her agricultural activities and ritual achievements in
\nthis world. Within the ritual context of carving a tau-tau, such
\ngrowth is symbolically enacted in ma'ku'ku, which is the rite of
\ncutting the hair for the first time; ma'pake, which is the rite
\nof giving attire to the effigy; and ma'pasa tau-tau, the rite of
\nbetrothal.<\/p>\n
The rite of cutting the hair signifies nobility and marks the
\nseparation from the previous world. In this ritual, one pig is
\nsacrificed and the meat is used as offerings to the deities and
\nancestors.<\/p>\n
Following this, the tau-tau is given attire and accessories
\naccording to ma'pake (its sex). The tau-tau is dressed in
\ntraditional Toraja clothing, symbolizing maturity.<\/p>\n
Over Ne'Bine's tau-tau's head was placed a folded sarong in
\nthat area's design; around her head was tied a sa'pi (an ornament
\nmade from beadwork and silver); the front part of her head was
\naccessorized with strips of bamboo with curly ends called
\npangngarru, spangles of gold leaf called tida-tida, and bulu
\nmanuk (chicken feathers); a manik kata (necklace) beautifies her
\nneck; and around her waist is tied the beadwork ambero. Over her
\nshoulder is hung a small pouch containing sappa manik (betel
\nnuts).<\/p>\n
As soon as this work has been completed, the tau-tau is placed
\nat the west side of a rice barn, facing the house in which the
\ndead person is located.<\/p>\n
In the following several days, the rites center on mebalun
\n(wrapping bodily remains). Before the ceremony began, the body
\nwas left to decompose in a karopi (temporary boat-shaped coffin).<\/p>\n
The eulogy goes on to mention that, as she becomes an adult
\nshe goes to the market and meets her partner there. Within the
\nritual, on the day the temporary coffin is buried, this event of
\nmeeting a spouse is enacted in the rite of ma' passa tau-tau.<\/p>\n
It is a rite of betrothal, which is performed by carrying the
\ntau-tau in a procession to the market on Rembon market day. As
\nthe procession arrives, the tau-tau is put down. People in the
\nmarket bring offerings such as betel nuts and tobacco. A pig is
\nsacrificed to mark the event.<\/p>\n
The next day the marriage ceremony rite is performed. This
\nrite commemorates the marriage ceremony of the dead person.
\nAnother pig is sacrificed.<\/p>\n
Finally, the eulogy's second section talks about the most
\nimportant rite, which marks the transition from earthly life to
\nthe heavenly one. This transition is enacted in the rite
\nma'tatau, the conversion rite of passage entering into the next
\nphase of life. After being given some offerings and food the tau-
\ntau is turned first to the east (symbol of life) and then to the
\nwest (symbol of death).<\/p>\n
At this point, the tau-tau is in the next phase of a
\ndeceased's life (life after death).<\/p>\n
The eulogy explains that the soul travels south and ascends to
\nthe sky, becoming a to membali puang (deified ancestor). When the
\nfuneral procession is made to the funeral site, the tau-tau goes
\nwith it. And when the dead person is interred in a stone grave,
\nthe tau-tau is also put there.<\/p>\n
Traditionally, the tau-tau is placed on a balcony in front of
\nthe grave but because stealing effigies has increased in the past
\nseveral decades, Ne'Bine's tau-tau is placed inside the grave.<\/p>\n
After a long period of time, the ritual of conversion for the
\ntau-tau is further reinforced by the rite of ma'balik bane. By
\nperforming this rite the family believes that the soul has turned
\ninto deified ancestor, which, according to some Torajans, is then
\nmanifested in the tau-tau.<\/p>\n
The tau-tau then functions to represent the deceased's life
\ncycle with the emphasis on the continuity of life after death,
\nthe pinnacle of life which can be achieved only through the
\nmediation of the funeral ritual. For that very reason the tau-tau
\nis best understood as the representation of ancestral life.<\/p>\n
The tau-tau is respected and held sacred by Torajans. When a
\ntau-tau has been placed on the balcony in front of the grave, it
\nis strictly forbidden to touch it, except in the ma'nene'
\n(ancestor-contacting) ceremony. In this ritual, the clothes of a
\ntau-tau worn out by rain, sun and wind should be changed. When
\nthe family wants to give an offering to the dead, the offering is
\nplaced on the tau-tau's palm.<\/p>",
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