Ties with Singapore under new PM Lee<\/p>\n
Jusuf Wanandi, Jakarta<\/p>\n
There are basically two ways to look at Singapore from an
\nIndonesian point of view. One is that of Habibie, who once
\ndescribed Singapore as a red dot in the regional map of South
\nEast Asia. As such she is expected to behave, especially towards
\n"big brother" Indonesia, and should not pretend to "teach" others
\nin the region of what is good for them.<\/p>\n
The other is the view of Juwono Soedarsono, Indonesia's
\nbrightest scholar, who was a Minister of Defense under Habibie,
\nwho recognized Singapore's positive role to assist Indonesia in
\novercoming the crisis. He described the role of Singapore as a
\nfast and modern speed boat that can help in giving direction to
\nthe rickety freight ship which is Indonesia, that is big but old
\nand full of leaks. He considers Singapore as an important hub, a
\ncity state of the world, that can play a very important role as
\nan "interlocutor" to the international community. This role is
\nimportant to Indonesia's recovery from the economic (and
\npolitical) crisis in this age of globalization.<\/p>\n
Habibie's view was partly based on a sense of "jealousy" of
\nSingapore's success to becoming a first world one within one
\ngeneration. This view has racial overtones and perhaps has
\nsomething to do with his view on the position of Sino-
\nIndonesians, who are seen as "foreigners" that are "milking" the
\nrichness of Indonesia. So long as such a view remains prevalent
\namong Indonesian leaders, this could affect Indonesia's relation
\nwith Singapore.<\/p>\n
It is encouraging to observe that the situation of Sino-
\nIndonesians in the country is changing. There is now greater
\nappreciation for their customs and culture than ever before under
\nSoeharto or Habibie. Moreover, the vital role they play in the
\nsociety, particularly in the economy, is gradually recognised.
\nHowever, this is not yet completely the public view of the
\naverage Indonesian. As long as the discrepancy in economic wealth
\nis there, this unfair view will be prevalent although it will
\nremain below the surface.<\/p>\n
We might be envious about leadership change in Singapore that
\nhas been better prepared. Developments in Indonesia today are
\nless certain and less orderly, but this is rather exciting.
\nIndonesia is in a democratic frenzy after 40 years of
\nauthoritarian rule under Sukarno (8 years) and Soeharto (32
\nyears).<\/p>\n
Thus, an orderly transfer is less assured, even if there is
\nwillingness to do so, because the diverse communities are trying
\nto assert themselves. That is why the direct election of the
\npresident is so important for Indonesia. We should congratulate
\nSingapore not only on the smooth transfer of leadership, but more
\nso because of the good governance that they have practiced and is
\nlikely to continue under PM Lee Hsien Loong. This has been
\ningrained by the Senior Leader Lee Kuan Yew, founder of modern
\nSingapore as well as due to the well-established rule of law and
\ninstitutions.<\/p>\n
The former PM (now senior Minister) Goh Chock Tong has further
\nstrengthened the environment for governance because of his
\nopenness and empathy as well as compassion for all Singaporeans,
\nespecially the small and the one relatively behind. PM Lee Hsien
\nLoong might want to emphasize other aspects because he has new
\nchallenges to face.<\/p>\n
There are two most important challenges.<\/p>\n
First, to fulfill the expectations of a new and younger
\ngeneration, influenced by globalization and especially the West.
\nThis is crucial to Singapore's future, since she has to move up
\nthe ladder in her economic development and global competition.
\nThat means that she has to be able to nurture creative thinkers
\nand doers. For that she has to provide greater space for freedom
\nof expressions.<\/p>\n
They also have to get more opportunities as entrepreneurs
\nbecause otherwise they cannot compete in the global world, which
\nhas become Singapore's main challenge. That also means that the
\ndominance of her state enterprises should be phased out, perhaps
\ndone rather in haste than slowly, because talent cannot wait and
\nopportunities could not be postponed for too long.<\/p>\n
This is not an easy job and the new leadership has to be
\ndecisive and resolute, especially because many PAP cadres are
\ninvolved in the public companies. When PM Lee was DPM and Chief
\nof the Commissions he had demonstrated his wherewithal to
\novercome two economic crises in 10 years. He might be the only
\nleader that could do it for Singapore.<\/p>\n
Second, and this is related to the first issue, is rising
\nexpectations, which have been there for some time. The PAP
\ngovernment has promised that they are going to deliver the goods,
\nand in turn the people have to cooperate with their policies,
\nincluding acceptance of some limitations of political freedoms.
\nTwo caveats are necessary here for PM Lee. The Singapore economy,
\nbeing dependent on the global economy and the regional economies,
\nwill have to be open to competition and the topsy turvy of the
\nglobal economy.<\/p>\n
Thus, its regional aspects have to be expanded as well.
\nRelations with Indonesia have greatly improved despite some
\npolitical reactions to the purchase of the assets of former
\nconglomerates and state enterprises (such as banks and
\ntelecommunications). However, this is not serious and could be
\nexplained to the Indonesian public. Singapore has to be more
\nattentive and patient with the Indonesian public. Her regional
\nexpansion is now also happening with Malaysia under PM Badawi,
\nwho has created a more normal and close relationship with the
\nSingaporean leadership, also with PM Lee at the helm now.<\/p>\n
Indonesia should welcome Singapore's involvement in the
\ncountry's development. Because this means that trust in Indonesia
\nfrom a very conservative government and a conservative private
\nsector like Singapore might be followed by other foreign
\nbusinesses in the near future.<\/p>\n
The second caveat is the need for greater attention and
\ncompassion to the less fortunate ones in Singapore. They are
\nthere, and PM Goh has given a lot of flexibilities for them in
\nhis policies. It is most important for PM Lee to continue this
\npolicy. This is all the more so, because PM Lee is seen as being
\ntoo intellectual and logical.<\/p>\n
What about Indonesia-Singapore bilateral relations? The
\nrelations have never been better. However, the relationship needs
\nto be strengthened by promoting greater relations between the two
\npeople of all layers. This could be done through many exchanges,
\nvisits, functional cooperation and effort to reach out to the
\nyouth, politicians, parliamentarians, NGOs, artists, business,
\nintellectuals, think tanks etc. It will be a mistake for
\nSingapore to think that relations between the two governments
\nalone could ever be adequate. This is certainly true with regard
\nto the Indonesian side that is so much more diverse.<\/p>\n
It is good that the Singapore government is providing
\nincreasing numbers of scholarships to Indonesians at the tertiary
\nlevel and provides assistance in health care by sending medical
\nteams to Riau and other poor parts of Indonesian such as Nusa
\nTenggara Timur. These should be multiplied and need to be better
\nexplained to the wider public.<\/p>\n
Outstanding bilateral problems, such as the extradition
\nagreement and the delineation of the sea border, should be worked
\nout as soon as possible, and should be resolved soonest.<\/p>\n
The writer is a cofounder and member of the board of trustees
\nof the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS).<\/p>",
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