{
    "success": true,
    "data": {
        "id": 1384512,
        "msgid": "the-soeharto-factor-1447893297",
        "date": "1998-12-22 00:00:00",
        "title": "The Soeharto factor",
        "author": null,
        "source": "JP",
        "tags": null,
        "topic": null,
        "summary": "The Soeharto factor Abdurrahman Wahid, often known for going against the current of public opinion, stunned the nation once again over the weekend when he suggested the inclusion of former president Soeharto in a national dialog. As we know, Gus Dur, as the chairman of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) is popularly known, is campaigning for a national dialog to resolve the cumulative crises facing Indonesia, which he said bordered on a social revolution.",
        "content": "<p>The Soeharto factor<\/p>\n<p>Abdurrahman Wahid, often known for going against the current<br>\nof public opinion, stunned the nation once again over the weekend<br>\nwhen he suggested the inclusion of former president Soeharto in a<br>\nnational dialog. As we know, Gus Dur, as the chairman of<br>\nNahdlatul Ulama (NU) is popularly known, is campaigning for a<br>\nnational dialog to resolve the cumulative crises facing<br>\nIndonesia, which he said bordered on a social revolution.<\/p>\n<p>Gus Dur argues that Soeharto remains a force to reckon with in<br>\nIndonesian politics and, as such, cannot be excluded in any<br>\nefforts to bring the political crisis to an end.<\/p>\n<p>No one disputes Gus Dur's claim of the former president's<br>\nmassive political power and influence. Soeharto still commands<br>\nloyal support from many followers and supporters, an inevitable<br>\nlegacy from more than three decades in power. He also has<br>\nfinancial clout, if not through the funds that he directly<br>\ncommands, then the wealth his children and cronies have amassed.<\/p>\n<p>One of the reasons why Gus Dur was prompted to bring Soeharto<br>\nback into the loop, if not the fold, is the swirling allegation<br>\nthe former president or his supporters were behind some of the<br>\nmassive security disruptions in Indonesia in recent months. The<br>\nauthorities have been unable (or unwilling) to satisfactorily<br>\nexplain the killings of black magic practitioners and Muslim<br>\nclerics in East Java, the shooting of student protesters, or the<br>\nincitement of people to burn churches in Jakarta and mosques in<br>\nKupang. As the popular conspiracy theory goes, the conflicts were<br>\nsowed and disruptions designed to pave the way for the<br>\nSoehartoists to return to power.<\/p>\n<p>It is one thing to recognize Soeharto's immense power and<br>\ninfluence in this country, and it is completely another to give<br>\nhim legitimacy, which is what Gus Dur essentially proposes by<br>\nincluding Soeharto in his planned national dialog.<\/p>\n<p>Soeharto was one of the three components that made up the<br>\nrepressive New Order regime, along with Golkar, his political<br>\nmachine, and the Armed Forces (ABRI) through its sociopolitical<br>\nrole. Together, the three forces kept the nation in perpetual<br>\nignorance and tyrannical repression for more than 30 years.<\/p>\n<p>The reform movement has removed Soeharto from that equation,<br>\nbut the other two factors remain. ABRI is slowly, but<br>\nreluctantly, giving up some of its political privileges, while<br>\nGolkar has been fighting hard to fend off challenges from within<br>\nand without to stay in power. Both are cloaking themselves in the<br>\nreform mantle, with ABRI announcing a new paradigm, and Golkar<br>\nbelatedly taking up the reform torch under the leadership of<br>\nAkbar Tandjung. But both still have to prove their commitment to<br>\nreform amid the strong public suspicion they are simply vestiges<br>\nof the old Soeharto regime.<\/p>\n<p>Given that the leadership of both Golkar and ABRI are closely<br>\nidentified with Soeharto, it is not surprising the suspicions<br>\nabound. Unfortunately, recent events and actions by both Golkar<br>\nand ABRI have reinforced rather than dispelled the suspicion.<br>\nThis explains why the reform movement, led by university<br>\nstudents, has intensified rather than ebbed in recent months to<br>\nkeep up the pressure on those in power to ensure that the nation<br>\nwill not go back to repressive practices of the old regime and<br>\nwill indeed move towards a civil society.<\/p>\n<p>Putting Soeharto back into the equation, as Gus Dur proposes,<br>\nwill simply strengthen grasping hands of those old forces of the<br>\nNew Order. Even without Soeharto, Golkar and ABRI still call most<br>\nof the shots and determine the national political agenda. It will<br>\nbe a major setback for the reform movement but it won't kill it.<br>\nGus Dur's proposal is an insult to those who have given their<br>\nblood, sweat, tears, and lives, in the quest for reform.<\/p>\n<p>Irrespective of the outcome of Gus Dur's campaign, Soeharto's<br>\nreturn in whatever form will not likely break the spirit of the<br>\nreform movement. On the contrary, the realization of Soeharto's<br>\nstill immense political power and influence will further<br>\nstrengthen the resolve of the reform campaigners. At the very<br>\nleast, they realize they face a tall but not insurmountable wall.<br>\nThis realization has also redefined the reform objectives. The<br>\nmain challenge to the reform movement is to remove the last<br>\nvestiges of power of all those New Order forces, and not just<br>\nSoeharto, once and for all.<\/p>",
        "url": "https:\/\/jawawa.id\/newsitem\/the-soeharto-factor-1447893297",
        "image": ""
    },
    "sponsor": "Okusi Associates",
    "sponsor_url": "https:\/\/okusiassociates.com"
}