The role of Islam in fighting global terrorism<\/p>\n
Jusuf Wanandi, Cofounder and member, Board of Trustees,
\nCentre for Strategic and International Studies, Jakarta<\/p>\n
Indonesia is the world's largest Muslim country, with almost
\n200 million Muslims in a total population of over 220 million
\npeople. It is also recognized as a moderate Muslim country. It is
\nnot a Muslim state based on Islam. It does not implement sharia
\nas the law of the land. Furthermore, it is not a theocracy.
\nHowever, Indonesia is not a completely secular state in the
\nWestern sense, because it sanctions five official religions and
\nhas a government department of religious affairs to support all
\nrecognized religions. Religion is seen as having an important
\nrole to play in society and is regarded as an individual choice
\nand a private matter by most Muslims.<\/p>\n
Islam in Indonesia is regarded as moderate as it is willing to
\ncoexist with other religions, it is open-minded and believes that
\ndemocracy is a natural political system, while human rights,
\nincluding equality of women, are very much part of the teachings
\nof Islam. Its believers also think that the private sector and
\nthe market place should be the defining factors of the economy,
\nbut that social justice is important for the market system to be
\nacceptable.<\/p>\n
In the last few years, however, especially at the end of the
\nSoeharto era and especially after he had resigned, more
\naggressive and even extreme Muslim groups emerged and in some
\ninstances defined the Muslim agenda in the country. Therefore,
\nthe question has arisen among foreign analysts and observers
\nwhether groups like Laskar Jihad, the Islam Defenders Front
\n(FPI)) and others are turning Indonesia's Islam into a more
\nradicalized version of Islam, which will define the future of
\nIslam in Indonesia.<\/p>\n
Concurrently, the question has also been raised as to whether
\nmainstream Islamic groups, which constitute the majority, such as
\nNahdlatul Ulama, mainly active in the rural part of Java, or
\nMuhammadiyah, which wants to upgrade Muslims through social and
\neducational activities in the urban centers, have lost their
\nleadership and influence among the Muslim community and are
\nfighting rearguard actions against the much smaller but militant
\nand extreme groupings.<\/p>\n
The questions are not really valid, because those extremist
\ngroups are small and in fact negligible in influence, but they
\nhave been very vocal and active. Combined with the weak
\ngovernment that has existed in Indonesia since Soeharto's
\ndownfall, those groups indeed look very threatening. But, most
\nimportantly, they have not contributed anything substantial to
\nthe intellectual debate on Islam's future in Indonesia.<\/p>\n
Islam in Indonesia is moderate, because it was introduced
\ngradually (over several centuries since the 12th) and peacefully
\n(through trade by traders from Gujarat, Southwestern India). As
\nsuch it had to absorb elements of earlier layers of existing
\nreligions and cultures, such as Hinduism, Buddhism and, to a
\nlesser extent, Confucianism, and become a syncretic mix through
\nacculturation processes.<\/p>\n
Further modernization of Islam has taken place through its
\neducational system. One has been the pesantren (Islamic boarding
\nschools) of NU, that have sent their students abroad to centers
\nof excellence of Islamic studies, including Al Azhar in Cairo,
\nsince the mid-18th century. Later, through IAIN (State Institute
\nfor Islamic Studies) they were sent to centers of Islamic study
\nin the West.<\/p>\n
For the past 30 years Muhammadiyah has also contributed to the
\nefforts and now has 14,000 conventional schools that also offer
\nreligious teaching, as well as 60 universities.<\/p>\n
In all these modernization efforts, former president
\nAbdurrahman Wahid has done pioneering work. Although political
\nIslam, in its many groups and manifestations, has always been
\nactive and influential in modern Indonesia, it also has had its
\nups and downs. There are small groups that want to establish a
\nMuslim state through insurgency. Others have tried this through
\nthe constitutional process. In 1957 to 1958, through the
\nConstituent Assembly, all the Muslim parties tried to establish
\nIslam as the basic principle of the state. Having only 43 percent
\nof seats, they were defeated by the opposition.<\/p>\n
Since then, there was a setback to the influence of political
\nIslam in Indonesia until mainstream leaders decided to separate
\nIslam as a religion from practical politics in the 1980s. Both NU
\nand Muhammadiyah decided to withdraw officially from practical
\npolitics, that is from being part of the United Development Party
\n(PPP), although their members were allowed to join any political
\nparty. That is how they tried to reconcile Islam, as a socio-
\ncultural phenomenon, with nationalism and modernization. And this
\nestablished trust between mainstream Muslim and the populace at
\nlarge.<\/p>\n
Both endeavors, in the field of education and the separation
\nof religion from politics, have contributed to a moderate, open,
\ndemocratic and peaceful Islam in Indonesia. The political
\ndiscourse is led by modern thinkers, who are well versed in
\nIslamic thinking, both in NU and Muhammadiyah.<\/p>\n
Previously, the debate on this took place between Muslim
\nleaders and non-Muslim leaders or nominal Muslims. This time it
\nwas amongst Muslim leaders themselves. And overwhelmingly the
\n\"moderates\" among them rejected the proposal to make sharia a
\npositive law. This was done in a transparent and democratic way
\nand was most impressive.<\/p>\n
So, there is ample reason why most mainstream Islamic
\ncommunity leaders are assured that the majority of Indonesian
\nMuslims are moderate, open, democratic and peaceful. And if there
\nare extremist or radical Muslim groups, they are small and non-
\ninfluential. And they are not necessarily linked to global
\nterrorism. But if these groups are against the law, they should
\nbe punished accordingly. What is important is not to make them
\ninto heroes. Therefore, the rule of law and implementation of
\nhuman rights will be important norms to be established in the
\neffort against global as well as national terrorism.<\/p>\n
Mainstream Muslim leaders are more worried about the depth of
\nthe crisis, which is all-encompassing, and about the weakness of
\nthe national leadership to overcome the crisis. They are worried
\nthat Indonesia will becomes a failed state if the crisis is not
\novercome soon. They recognize that only part of the problem is
\nrelated to global terrorism. The best that Indonesian Islam can
\ndo in fighting global terrorism is by becoming a model for what
\nIslam really entails, namely democracy, openness, moderation and
\npeace.<\/p>\n
And some analysts argue that it is now time to show to Middle
\nEastern Islam that Islam has to be reinvented, led by the former
\nperiphery, namely Southeast Asia Islam. This is because the
\nMiddle East has been bogged down in the conservative traditions
\nof eight to nine centuries ago and is unable to adjust to the
\nchallenges of the 21st century.<\/p>\n
The new leadership of Southeast Asian Islam should give new
\nimpetus to the old center of Islam to be able to change and
\nadjust to future challenges. Indonesia, as the largest and most
\npopulous Muslim country in the world, should be in the vanguard
\nof these changes. It has the intellectual leadership as well as
\nthe political will to be able to do that.<\/p>\n
However, her capacity is still limited due to the crisis.
\nTherefore, international assistance and support to overcome the
\ndeep and multifaceted crisis are important for Indonesia to be
\nable to play its important role in the Muslim world.<\/p>",
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