{
    "success": true,
    "data": {
        "id": 1293416,
        "msgid": "the-new-underdog-the-tni-1447893297",
        "date": "2000-03-13 00:00:00",
        "title": "The new underdog: The TNI",
        "author": null,
        "source": "JP",
        "tags": null,
        "topic": null,
        "summary": "The new underdog: The TNI By Dewi Anggraeni MELBOURNE (JP): Since discussing the future of Indonesia without focussing on the role of the military would be a futile exercise, the \"Rethinking Indonesia\" conference last weekend in Melbourne, took a serious look at the issue. Under the New Order government, power was very much weighted against the civilian sector and in favor of the military.",
        "content": "<p>The new underdog: The TNI<\/p>\n<p>By Dewi Anggraeni<\/p>\n<p>MELBOURNE (JP): Since discussing the future of Indonesia<br>\nwithout focussing on the role of the military would be a futile<br>\nexercise, the \"Rethinking Indonesia\" conference last weekend in<br>\nMelbourne, took a serious look at the issue.<\/p>\n<p>Under the New Order government, power was very much weighted<br>\nagainst the civilian sector and in favor of the military. Now, in<br>\nthe brief period since coming into power, President Abdurrahman<br>\nWahid already has made inroads into reclaiming the balance for<br>\ncivilians. At least that is how it appears.<\/p>\n<p>Under Soeharto the military, then known as ABRI, presented a<br>\nunited front. Even though factions developed under former<br>\npresident B.J. Habibie, Damien Kingsbury of Monash Asia Institute<br>\nsuggests the military remained strong.<\/p>\n<p>Kingsbury gave as illustration its actions in East Timor<br>\nagainst the explicit wishes of Habibie. However, under<br>\nAbdurrahman this strength has been significantly reduced and the<br>\nmilitary (now TNI) is unable, even, to wear a united front.<\/p>\n<p>Kingsbury has observed several factions emerging, one of those<br>\nbeing still loyal to former TNI commander Gen. Wiranto. And a<br>\ncounter faction, consolidating under the patronage of<br>\nAbdurrahman. A significant group which Kingsbury considers as<br>\n\"reformist\" is led by Maj. Gen. Agus Wirahadikusumah. Its primary<br>\ntask being to end TNI's \"territorial\" function. A smaller faction<br>\nremains loyal to Prabowo, the former commander of the army's<br>\nspecial forces.<\/p>\n<p>The success of the reformist group, Kingsbury theorizes, will<br>\nvery much depend on the success of Abdurrahman's presidency -- a<br>\nrisky symbiotic relationship.<\/p>\n<p>If the president can negotiate peaceful settlements to the<br>\ncivil unrest in various areas of the country, the \"reformist\"<br>\ngroup will have a better chance of success.<\/p>\n<p>If Abdurrahman fails, both he and this TNI faction will lose a<br>\ngreat deal of credibility, and the path towards democracy will be<br>\neven rockier.<\/p>\n<p>The extent of the military's new weakening is unclear. The<br>\nmilitary in Indonesia is an institution inseparable from the<br>\ncountry's politics.<\/p>\n<p>Munir, from the Legal Aid Institute, told the conference, that<br>\nsince 1966 the armed forces have instituted a military structure<br>\nin Indonesian society, making it ingrained and extremely<br>\ndifficult to uproot. The country has a military officer holding<br>\nan important position in every level of government.<\/p>\n<p>In a separate interview with The Jakarta Post, Munir admitted<br>\nthat the ubiquity of the military was a serious problem, but he<br>\ndoes not see the military's power as an insurmountable obstacle<br>\nin achieving democracy.<\/p>\n<p>The biggest stumbling block, in his opinion, is the military's<br>\ndomination over national politics.<\/p>\n<p>The military still influences the thinking of the public, and<br>\nthis creates an influence against the democratic process being<br>\npushed by reformist elements in society.<\/p>\n<p>\"This is a new strength that TNI has gained,\" Munir said, \"TNI<br>\nno longer needs to rely on physical power, because they now<br>\npossess power similar to that of a political party, with a<br>\nsignificant base.<\/p>\n<p>\"They use this to contain, even counter, the social forces<br>\nattacking them. Now they no longer have to fight alone, those who<br>\nare pushing for their return to the barracks,\" he said.<\/p>\n<p>\"They have even created a new vocabulary as protective<br>\npadding. For instance, the word 'to condemn' (menghujat) is now<br>\nused to describe any action opposing them.\"<\/p>\n<p>\"Any members of TNI who are criticized for violations of human<br>\nrights have now gained the title of the 'underdog' or the<br>\n'downtrodden'. So there is a strong message that society at<br>\npresent is victimizing the military. This insinuation has been<br>\nmade so insidious that many in civil society become emotionally<br>\ntrapped in it.\"<\/p>\n<p>The military has also established a concept, according to<br>\nMunir, that they are an important element of society, so if they<br>\nare weakened, the society will be adversely affected, because<br>\nsecurity is no longer guaranteed.<\/p>\n<p>Another sensitive aspect being exploited is religion. military<br>\nmembers try to attach themselves to Islam, to the extent that<br>\nsome people believe that attacking the military is tantamount to<br>\nattacking Islam. This is a very powerful tool in influencing the<br>\ncivilian community.<\/p>\n<p>Munir suspects that no more than 5 percent of the population<br>\nbelieve this. \"However, they are a high-profile minority who can<br>\nmanipulate the wider community by 'tailoring' information they<br>\nrelease.  Those in the community receiving the information,<br>\nwithout the capacity for critical analysis, tend to take it at<br>\nface value.<\/p>\n<p>\"Examples are the people defending Wiranto against the<br>\nCommission Investigating Violations of Human Rights (KPP HAM),<br>\ncharging him with human rights violations in East Timor. They<br>\nwere no more than 20. Yet they were given generous coverage by<br>\nthe media and they used it well. Viewers with no mechanism to<br>\nvalidate the information got the impression that the 20 people<br>\nspoke the truth, that there was a conspiracy against Muslim<br>\ngenerals.\"<\/p>\n<p>Despite all this, Munir is optimistic that groups working to<br>\nkeep the military from returning to full political power are<br>\nfairly strong in society. In addition, there is the international<br>\nelement, who will not let that happen. In fact, this element,<br>\nobserved Munir, played a very important role in the real politik<br>\nof 1998, compared to that played by internal forces.<\/p>\n<p>Since then, the drive for change in the country has gathered<br>\nstrength and speed, and is no longer a force the military can<br>\ntake lightly.<\/p>\n<p>Hope abounds, and expectations that Abdurrahman's ability to<br>\nharness the military's power for more appropriate use, are also<br>\nhigh. The light at the end of the tunnel may be visible, but the<br>\ndistance is still great.<\/p>\n<p>The writer is a freelance journalist based in Melbourne.<\/p>",
        "url": "https:\/\/jawawa.id\/newsitem\/the-new-underdog-the-tni-1447893297",
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    "sponsor": "Okusi Associates",
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