The middle way approach is the President's way<\/p>\n
Umar Juoro, Jakarta<\/p>\n
The appropriate term to describe the approach taken by the
\ncurrent Indonesian government, especially in handling difficult
\nissues, is to seek out the middle way with a view to finding a
\nsolution. The emphasis is more on the process than the end
\nresult, and participation in decision making is made as wide and
\ninclusive as possible.<\/p>\n
This approach could clearly be seen right from the beginning
\nof this administration. Realizing that Indonesian politics is
\npluralist, with several political parties in the House of
\nRepresentatives (DPR), even though President Susilo Bambang
\nYudhoyono received majority support and a strong political
\nmandate in the 2004 presidential election, he decided to form a
\nCabinet consisting of political party representatives,
\nprofessionals and technocrats.<\/p>\n
Even though we believe that the Cabinet as it now stands is
\nnot what President Susilo would really have wanted, its
\ncomposition clearly reflects the middle way approach.<\/p>\n
In the 2005 budget revisions that the government proposed
\nrecently, the oil price assumption was US$35 per barrel, with
\ntotal fuel subsidy spending being set at Rp 19 trillion ($1.95
\nbillion). But the House of Representatives finally approved the
\nrevising upward of the oil price assumption to $45 per barrel and
\ntotal fuel subsidy spending to more than Rp 76 trillion. The
\ngovernment accepted this change without much resentment. This is
\nanother indication that economic policy is also gravitating
\ntoward the compromise approach to decision making.<\/p>\n
The ongoing process of resolving the problems related to the
\nextension of the ExxonMobil-Cepu contract also reflects the
\nmiddle-way approach. Originally, Pertamina did not want to extend
\nthe Technical Assistance Contract (TAC) that will end in 2010.<\/p>\n
The government was initially reluctant to get involved. As
\nthe minister of energy stated, this was a strictly business-to-
\nbusiness issue. But the President decided to push ahead with the
\nrenegotiations by allowing a team under the chief economics
\nminister, Aburizal Bakrie, to represent both the government and
\nPertamina in negotiating with ExxonMobil.<\/p>\n
The principles for a contract extension have been agreed upon.
\nThe solution is not optimal for either of the parties, and the
\nprocess has turned out to be lengthy. But in the end, an
\nagreement was reached through compromise.<\/p>\n
On the security issue, the ongoing peace negotiations between
\nthe Indonesian government and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) also
\nreflect the middle-way approach. Knowing that the issue cannot be
\nsolved through military action, Vice President Jusuf Kalla took
\nthe initiative of sending a delegation of ministers to
\nparticipate in peace talks facilitating by a Helsinki-based NGO.<\/p>\n
The negotiations have not reached a final conclusion yet, but
\nthe process is moving towards a middle way solution. This is
\nfurther evidence that the middle-way approach has been widely
\nadopted inside the Susilo administration, and is being employed
\nin the economic, political and security fields.<\/p>\n
The President has consistently stressed the middle-way
\napproach in his speeches.<\/p>\n
He has spoke about wielding \"soft power\", which has persuasion,
\ndialog and patience as its main elements, rather than physical or
\nmilitary power in resolving conflicts and developing
\ninternational relations.<\/p>\n
He believes in inclusiveness in policy and strategy making.
\nThis is why he likes to talk and listen to various groups in
\nsociety. President Susilo would like to run the country using a
\nleadership style that combines the best of Sukarnoism, which
\nfocused on a nation building, and the best of Soehartoism, which
\nemphasized economic development.<\/p>\n
What Susilo would like to add to this combination is respect
\nfor good governance. He would like to leave the legacy of a
\ncredible and relatively clean government operating in a
\ndemocratic system. Of course, the history will be the judge of
\nhow successful he was in this.<\/p>\n
For those who prefer tough stances and quick solutions, this
\napproach is rather disappointing as a lot of time is required and
\nmany elements outside of the politics elites are involved.
\nFurthermore, decisions are not clear-cut but are rather based on
\ncompromises.<\/p>\n
However, given the country's pluralistic politics and the
\ndiverse problems that it faces, developing a consensus provides
\nan important base for producing sustainable solutions in various
\nsectors. The process might be slow, and the solution might be
\nless than optimal, but at least the results will be sustainable.<\/p>\n
Under the Susilo administration, important decisions are made
\nrelatively slowly and are strongly characterized by compromises
\nas part of an inclusive way of doing things. The elites in
\nsociety may find it difficult to accept this, but the public at
\nlarge are quite comfortable with the approach.<\/p>\n
The crucial issue is that while many of the existing
\nproblems cannot be solved quickly enough, new problems continue
\nto crop up much faster, and often unexpectedly, than the
\ngovernment can deal with them. For this reason, while the middle-
\nway approach is a good start, sooner or later a firmer or tougher
\napproach to policy and decision making will be needed, and a
\nquicker problem-solving process adopted so as to get things done
\nin a timely fashion. If not, frustration will build up and
\nultimately undermine the government's credibility.<\/p>\n
The writer is chairman of CIDES (Center for Information and
\nDevelopment Studies), and a senior fellow of the Habibie Center.<\/p>",
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