The impact of migration in eastern Indonesia<\/p>\n
This is the second of two articles on the political impacts of
\nmigration in eastern provinces, prepared by Riwanto Tirtosudarmo,
\na researcher at the Center for Social and Cultural Studies, the
\nIndonesian Institute of Sciences.<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): The central government's transmigration policy
\nin Irian Jaya has contributed to an increase of ethnic tensions
\nthere.<\/p>\n
In the mid-1980s, as Irian Jaya became the main destination of
\ntransmigrants, strong resentment from the local population was
\naroused.<\/p>\n
The resentment of the local population toward the
\ntransmigrants, who mostly originated from Java, partly was due to
\nthe local people's perception of unfair treatment at the hands of
\nthe government. The local population believed the transmigrants
\nreceived more help than the locals. Controversial issues, such as
\n"Javanization", "internal colonization" and "Islamization" were
\nraised by many foreign non-governmental organizations (NGOs).<\/p>\n
The World Bank, the main financial supporter of the
\ntransmigration program, also was criticized by both foreign and
\nIndonesian NGOs for supporting the destruction of indigenous
\npeoples and tropical forests in the country.<\/p>\n
Even though transmigration has been scaled back since the mid-
\n1980s, the net migration to eastern provinces is positive,
\nparticularly to urban destinations. The shift of migration to
\nurban areas has been particularly dramatic in provinces such as
\nIrian Jaya, Maluku and East Timor. The shift of migration from
\nrural areas to urban areas, a result of the scaled-back
\ntransmigration program, also reflects the elasticity of the urban
\neconomy, most notably in the informal sectors, in eastern
\nIndonesia. Meanwhile, the labor surplus, particularly among the
\nnew working age cohorts, is increasing in western Indonesia.<\/p>\n
Java, in particular, could see a significant number of its
\nyoung people search for economic opportunities by migrating to
\neastern provinces. It is likely that the bulk of migrants to
\nurban areas will be engaged mainly in a number of activities in
\nthe informal sector.<\/p>\n
In this regard, migrants tend to be more enterprising than
\nlocals due to previous experience in their places of origin. The
\nmigrants generally also have more education than locals.<\/p>\n
Around 30 percent of the population of eastern Indonesia
\nresides in South Sulawesi. Given its large population and its
\ncentral location, South Sulawesi is a very important part of the
\nmigration system. South Sulawesi, with Ujungpandang harbor, the
\nthird largest seaport in the country, and the tendency of its
\npeople to migrate, plays a dominant role in the development of
\nother eastern provinces, both economically and politically.<\/p>\n
South Sulawesi is the home of three ethnic groups which are
\nwell known for their tendency to migrate; namely the Buginese,
\nthe Butonese and the Makassarese. In eastern Indonesia, these
\nthree ethnic groups are popularly labeled as the BBM, an acronym
\nfor Bugis-Buton-Makassar.<\/p>\n
The migration behavior of the BBM and its social and economic
\nimplications in eastern Indonesia are well documented in various
\nstudies. These migrants are well-known as seafarers and traders
\nand have successfully developed social and economic networks in
\nmajor urban areas across eastern Indonesia.<\/p>\n
In eastern Indonesia, most specifically in Irian Jaya and East
\nTimor, the division of labor among ethnic groups is somewhat
\ndifferent as compared to other places. The upper-level economic
\nsectors usually are controlled by Chinese-Indonesians, while
\nmiddle and lower-level economic sectors are dominated by the
\nMakassarese, the Buginese and the Butonese. The Javanese, as well
\nas other migrant ethnic groups, usually occupy government jobs,
\nsuch as public servants or members of the military. The Javanese
\ndomination of various governmental occupations is a by-product of
\nthe process of recruitment for such jobs, which is conducted by
\nthe central government in Java.<\/p>\n
In Irian Jaya and East Timor, due to their political
\nhistories, the appointment of officials by the central government
\nalso is dictated by security and military considerations. The
\nfeeling of resentment among the local population toward migrants'
\ndomination of both the governmental and private sectors is
\nobvious and easily perceived, even by casual observers.<\/p>\n
Given their distinct sociopolitical circumstances, conflicts
\nbetween migrants and the local populations in Irian Jaya and East
\nTimor cannot be understood if they are viewed only from
\ndemographic and economic points of view.<\/p>\n
In assessing these conflicts, the political histories of the
\nprovinces, in relation to the process of building the nation-
\nstate, should be given special consideration. Irian Jaya, called
\nWest Papua during Dutch colonialism, was integrated into
\nIndonesian in 1963, after diplomatic negotiations and armed
\nconflict between Indonesians and the Dutch.<\/p>\n
Irian Jaya was incorporated into Indonesia after the country
\nwon a referendum under the supervision of the United Nations. A
\ngroup of West Papuans, however, rejected the outcome of the
\nreferendum and proclaimed their liberation organization (OPM) the
\nlegitimate owner of the province and took up armed struggle
\nagainst Indonesia.<\/p>\n
East Timor was integrated into Indonesia in 1976 amid internal
\nconflicts among political parties competing for the right to rule
\nthe former Portuguese colony.<\/p>\n
Similar to Irian Jaya, armed struggle in East Timor against
\nIndonesia persists today. The role of the underground resistance
\nmovements should not be underestimated in assessing the conflicts
\nbetween migrants and the local indigenous populations.<\/p>\n
In East Timor, migrants often decide to leave the province in
\norder to avoid harsh treatment by the East Timorese. The exodus
\nof migrants, many of them BBM, from East Timor gained force after
\nthe Habibie government raised the possibility of independence for
\nthe province.<\/p>\n
After the downfall of Soeharto, the power equation between the
\ncentral government and the regions was shattered as various
\ngroups protesting the central government's domination began to
\nflourish. Demands for independence have been most clearly
\narticulated by the East Timorese and the Irianese. The calls for
\nreferendum which were strongly suppressed during the Soeharto
\nregime are now being loudly expressed. At the same time, demand
\nfor autonomy also is increasing in Irian Jaya.<\/p>\n
Another recent development has occurred in the western-most
\nprovince of Aceh, which has long experienced political repression
\nfrom the central government due to accusations that the Gerakan
\nAceh Merdeka (Free Acehnese Movement) was still operating in the
\nprovince.<\/p>\n
The situation in Aceh perhaps is different from those in East
\nTimor and Irian Jaya, in that the issue is more a matter of human
\nrights violations, particularly by the military, than a
\nsecessionist movement.<\/p>\n
Migration in east Indonesia during the New Order regime
\nreflected regional responses to wider economic and political
\nchanges, particularly the centralistic character of the New
\nOrder's economic development.<\/p>\n
Similar to the national migration pattern, in-migration has
\nbeen declining since the mid-1980s. Since that time, migration to
\nurban areas has been increasing. This is partly because the
\nnumber of transmigrants, who mostly are resettled in rural areas,
\nis declining as the government's capacity to finance the
\ntransmigration program has diminished. The migrants to urban
\nareas in eastern provinces mostly take part in small-scale trade
\nand informal sectors. Because the brightest local people have
\nmigrated to Java or other areas in western Indonesia, the
\nmajority of locals who are left are less educated and less
\nskilled than the migrants.<\/p>\n
The centralistic character of the national government, both
\ncivilian and military, in which regional level bureaucracies are
\nmerely subordinates of the central government, resulted in a
\nrecruiting process for public servants which is heavily dictated
\nby the central government. This centralistic recruitment process
\nresulted in the appointment of bureaucrats who were viewed as
\noutsiders by the local population. The unofficially declared
\nmilitary operation areas which led to the excessive presence of
\nmilitary personnel in Irian Jaya and East Timor further
\nexacerbated the local populations' feeling of being colonized by
\nthe New Order regime. The feeling of being economically
\nmarginalized and politically suppressed is latent in eastern
\nIndonesia, particularly in Irian Jaya and East Timor. The feeling
\nalso is present, though not as strong, in Maluku.<\/p>\n
In the New Order era, given the political histories of Irian
\nJaya and East Timor, migration became politicized. It would be
\nmisleading if migration was perceived merely as being demographic
\nor economic in nature.<\/p>\n
In the currently heated political climate, the issue of
\nregional development clearly can no longer be isolated from the
\ndebate surrounding regional political autonomy and the demand for
\nthe reformulation of the existing nation-state equation.<\/p>\n
In this context, it is not surprising that federalism is
\nbecoming an appealing political option. The emergence of various
\npolitical parties and the demand for a free and democratic
\ngeneral election is likely to be interconnected with demands for
\nmore autonomy and independence from provinces like East Timor and
\nIrian Jaya.<\/p>\n
Regional development planning in the future, therefore, should
\ntake a more comprehensive approach in which the achievement of
\neconomic welfare is accompanied by the fulfillment of the
\npolitical aspirations and human rights of local people.<\/p>\n
Window: The resentment of the local population toward the
\ntransmigrants, who mostly originated from Java, partly was due to
\nthe local people's perception of unfair treatment at the hands of
\nthe government.<\/p>",
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