The illusion of political supporters<\/p>\n
Political analyst J. Soedjati Djiwandono shares his views on a
\n\"new blend\" of Indonesian politics.<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): Institution building should be an essential part
\nof the reform process. In this country, however, institution
\nbuilding has proceeded mainly in name and form, and not quite in
\nspirit and substance.<\/p>\n
We have an elected president. But President Abdurrahman Wahid
\ndid not even contest the popular election. He was elected by
\n\"representatives of the people\", most of whom were not directly
\nelected by the people, the rest pretenders at their worst.<\/p>\n
It is thus small wonder that Indonesian politicians have
\nlittle sense of accountability. They have little sense of the
\nprevailing aspirations of the people. Their \"constituencies\" are
\nno more than their own illusions.<\/p>\n
It seems that they do not even have a clear idea of their
\nfunctions and responsibilities. And worst of all, they do not
\nseem to have respect for their own institutions.<\/p>\n
A clear indication of the weakening of institution building in
\nthis era of reform is the growing tendency toward extra-
\nlegislative democracy, particularly in the form of street
\ndemonstrations.<\/p>\n
Now not only university students, but also people of different
\nwalks of life, irrespective of age or gender, take to the streets
\nfor a variety of causes.<\/p>\n
Members of the legislature, and even the President himself,
\nhave tended to rely more and more on mass support in the form of
\nrallies and public statements by various groups of people, than
\non democratic process and mechanism.<\/p>\n
Certainly, ordinary people cannot possibly take a direct part
\nin a legislative debate or in any other formal part of democratic
\nprocesses in state institutions. The best, not necessarily the
\nmost effective alternative, is to make public statements or to
\nstage demonstrations.<\/p>\n
No one knows for sure if such mass movements are orchestrated
\nby politicians, apart from suspicions expressed in public of
\n\"provocation\" by political elite backed by \"money politics\".<\/p>\n
And surely, with millions unemployed since the onset of the
\nmonetary crisis, one cannot underestimate the significance of
\nmoney politics. For many, to get paid for taking part in a
\ndemonstration, no matter what for or against, is an easy way to
\nearn a living, at least temporarily.<\/p>\n
It is ironical to note, however, that politicians are getting
\nincreasingly interested in making use of rallies, whether or not
\nsuch extra-legislative activities are their own making.<\/p>\n
One case in point was the apparent political exploitation of
\nsuch demonstrations in support of the special committee of the
\nHouse of Representatives (DPR) on the Brunei and Bulog scandals.<\/p>\n
Even more ironical is the fact that many politicians now seem
\nincreasingly inclined to resort to what should rightly belong to
\nextra-legislative or mass politics. Thus in order to support
\ntheir demand to speed up the process toward a special session of
\nthe People's Consultative Assembly aimed at impeaching the
\nPresident in the wake of DPR's memorandum to him, one House
\ndeputy speaker started to collect signatures.<\/p>\n
Having obtained over 100 signatures from legislators, however,
\nfor one reason or another, the effort was abandoned.<\/p>\n
Another case was the public statement issued by six factions
\nof the House to support the Golkar Party in the face of public
\ndemands for the dissolution of the party, considered the main
\npillar of the New Order regime under Soeharto. It is doubtful,
\nhowever, if such a course of action would in any way affect
\npublic hostility toward Golkar.<\/p>\n
Most disconcerting is the fact that even the President himself
\nseems to have supported, if implicitly, or even resorted to such
\nuse of extra-legislative politics.<\/p>\n
Reacting to the House memorandum, he claimed that he still
\nenjoyed the people's support, probably having in mind the rowdy
\nexpressions of support for him by his loyal supporters in days of
\ndemonstrations.<\/p>\n
He considered dissolving the House, challenging that the
\nmandate of the people did not necessarily come through the
\nmechanism of the legislature.<\/p>\n
That is a new phenomenon that characterizes Indonesian
\npolitics today. It is a mixture of elite and mass politics, of
\nlegislative and extra-legislative politics. It is a special blend
\nof Indonesian politics, a blend of sorts.<\/p>\n
Not like delicious blended tea, coffee, whisky or tobacco, it
\nstinks.<\/p>\n
What are we in for? A revolution, in a country not likely to
\nbe a fertile ground for a successful one? A national
\nreconciliation, Indonesian style?<\/p>\n
Are we, particularly the top leadership of this country, dead
\nserious about it? Do we really deserve to be a nation, free and
\nindependent, and to survive?<\/p>",
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