The ICMI phenomenon<\/p>\n
For a five-year-old organization, the special spotlight
\nfocused on the second congress of the Association of Indonesian
\nMoslem Intellectuals (ICMI), which starts today in Jakarta, is
\nunusual. But, then again, ICMI is no ordinary organization.<\/p>\n
Founded in 1990 in Malang, East Java, ICMI has burst onto the
\nIndonesian political scene to overshadow many older
\norganizations. It is a far cry from the original idea of five
\nBrawijaya University students, who wanted Moslem intellectuals to
\ngather to discuss the future of Moslems in Indonesia.<\/p>\n
Soon after, their idea captured the imagination of Moslem
\nactivists in Jakarta looking for the right vehicle to sail the
\nMoslem revival winds that were starting to blow. They also saw
\nthe possibility of using the new Moslem organization to improve
\nrelations between Moslems and the government which had been
\ngrowing sour for years. At the same time, as some experts have
\nobserved, the President saw in ICMI an opportunity to reach out
\nto Moslems for support.<\/p>\n
ICMI quickly gained the full backing of the President,
\nelevating the relationship between the majority of Moslems and
\nthe powers that be to unprecedented heights. In the government
\nbureaucracy, an ICMI membership card became more important than a
\nGolkar membership card. This development upset many people,
\nincluding some Moslem leaders and government officials, who
\nviewed the establishment of ICMI as a setback and a revival of
\nsectarian politics.<\/p>\n
However, without State Minister of Research and Technology
\nB.J. Habibie as chairman, ICMI would never have reached its
\npresent form. As the closest assistant to President Soeharto,
\nHabibie has succeeded not only in using ICMI as his political
\nbase, but also as the main supporter of his high-tech policies.<\/p>\n
ICMI's dependence on B.J. Habibie is its strongest card and at
\nthe same time its weakest. Too much of ICMI's power and influence
\nhinges on Habibie. Without ICMI, Habibie will remain strong as
\nlong as he is close to the President. Losing the chairmanship and
\nhis newly-found \"grassroots\" political support would only hurt
\nhim slightly.<\/p>\n
Perhaps the fear of losing their only link to power is the
\nreason why most ICMI leaders over the last several weeks, prior
\nto the congress, launched an all-out campaign to retain Habibie
\nas ICMI's chairman for a second term (1995-2000).<\/p>\n
The question is, will President Soeharto give his blessing?
\nThe President's current relationship with Moslems has been very
\nclose even without ICMI. President Soeharto also has been asking
\nhis ministers to dedicate themselves more to their ministerial
\nduties, as in the case of Minister for Sport and Youth Affairs
\nHayono Isman, who was unable to secure the President's support to
\nbecome chairman of Kosgoro.<\/p>\n
If ICMI loses Habibie as chairman, its future performance, and
\ninfluence, will undoubtedly be affected. Regardless, ICMI has
\nalready left its mark on this country's political landscape and
\nsome of its programs are worth noting.<\/p>\n
For example, its research center, CIDES, has developed itself
\ninto one of this country's major research centers, organizing an
\naverage 40 research studies and conferences annually. Its
\naffiliated newspaper Republika has emerged as one of the
\ncountry's major dailies.<\/p>\n
But to the dismay of many, ICMI's alleged elitist nature has
\nalso triggered the establishment of numerous new organizations,
\nsuch as the YKLK, PCPP and other intellectual groups affiliated
\nwith certain religions.<\/p>\n
Whatever decisions come from the congress, they are sure to
\naffect the country's future power balance.<\/p>",
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"sponsor": "Okusi Associates",
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