The fragile democracies of RP and RI<\/p>\n
By Joel Pinaroc<\/p>\n
MANILA: The Indonesian legislature overwhelmingly voted this
\nweek to begin impeachment proceedings against President
\nAbdurrahman Wahid. It agreed to convene the People's Consultative
\nAssembly (MPR), Indonesia's highest legislative body, in August
\nto decide whether to remove Abdurrahman from office. It is the
\nMPR that elects Indonesia's president.<\/p>\n
Abdurrahman is being impeached after running Indonesia and
\nreducing it to shambles for only 19 months. The MPR session is a
\nreferendum on Abdurrahman's leadership. Abdurrahman is required
\nto render a report on his administration, on the basis of which
\nthe assembly will decide whether to remove or retain him.<\/p>\n
Unlike the impeachment trial of then President Joseph Estrada
\nin the Senate last December, the Indonesian impeachment
\nproceedings are not a long-winded process bound by judicial
\nprocedures.<\/p>\n
Whatever the differences in the process, Abdurrahman, like
\nEstrada, is a democratically elected president, and faces removal
\nfrom office before the end of his term. In both cases,
\nimpeachment action sprang from essentially similar causes:
\ninvolvement in corruption scandals, erratic leadership and
\nincompetence.<\/p>\n
The Indonesian legislature (DPR) voted for impeachment even
\nthough the solicitor general had cleared Abdurrahman of two
\nfinancial scandals. The first involved the siphoning of US$4
\nmillion from the state food agency, and the other involved
\nalleged misuse of a $2-million donation from the Sultan of
\nBrunei.<\/p>\n
The solicitor general found no evidence that Abdurrahman
\npersonally benefited from the transactions. But this did not
\nprevent Abdurrahman's opponents from getting DPR to vote for
\ninitiating impeachment action. They are holding him responsible
\nfor the chaotic state of affairs in Indonesia.<\/p>\n
Abdurrahman has few options left to avoid removal from office.
\nIndonesia is in turmoil. It is wracked by ethnic and separatist
\nconflicts. Economic reform has stagnated. The DPR is fractured by
\npolitical infighting. Abdurrahman is politically isolated. On the
\nday parliament voted to begin impeachment proceedings,
\nAbdurrahman's backers tried to storm parliament.<\/p>\n
The President is a Muslim cleric with a large constituency in
\nEast Java where mobs have attacked churches and public places to
\nprotest moves to impeach him in Jakarta.<\/p>\n
Unless a compromise formula is found within the next two
\nmonths to break the political gridlock, the assembly is poised to
\ndismiss Abdurrahman and transfer power to his rival, Vice
\nPresident Megawati Soekarnoputri.<\/p>\n
That Estrada was replaced by a woman vice president, Gloria
\nMacapagal-Arroyo, and that Abdurrahman is likely to be replaced
\nby Megawati, is pure coincidence. Political dynamics in the
\nPhilippines and Indonesia are different, although both crises
\nmark trials of their democracies.<\/p>\n
Megawati's party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle
\n(PDI Perjuangan) holds the most number of seats in the DPR.
\nAbdurrahman's party has only 10 percent of the seats. Despite
\nthis, he won the presidency against Megawati by cobbling together
\na majority alliance with other parties. But this time,
\nAbdurrahman, who is partly blind, has lost the support of his
\nallies in DPR mainly after having a running battle with them and
\nat one time calling them \"a bunch of kindergartens.\"<\/p>\n
Abdurrahman who, like Estrada, has insisted that he is
\ninnocent of the charges and that attempts to remove him are
\nunconstitutional, has tried to stave off impeachment by
\nthreatening to declare a state of emergency. Such a declaration
\nwould allow him to disband the DPR and call for snap elections.
\nHe abandoned the plan after military leaders, his own security
\nminister and some members of his Cabinet told him that they would
\nnot support it and that it would spark widespread violence.<\/p>\n
The impasse has tempted the military to take a front-line role
\nas powerbrokers after the generals had taken the backseat
\nfollowing the resignation of President Suharto two years ago.
\nAlthough the Indonesian army has a long record of political
\nintervention, its pivotal role in withdrawing support from
\nAbdurrahman illustrates the point that when democratic
\ninstitutions are fragile, military intervention is crucial to the
\nlife and death of governments, regardless of whether presidents
\nare democratically elected.<\/p>\n
Essentially, the Philippine people power crisis and the
\nIndonesian crisis are about changing leaders either through
\nelaborate impeachment trial or a simpler referendum by the MPR.
\nBoth underline the instability of the older Philippine democracy
\nand the younger Indonesian democracy.<\/p>\n
Their institutional foundations remain fragile.<\/p>\n
Philippines Daily Inquirer\/Asia News Network<\/p>", "url": "https:\/\/jawawa.id\/newsitem\/the-fragile-democracies-of-rp-and-ri-1447893297", "image": "" }, "sponsor": "Okusi Associates", "sponsor_url": "https:\/\/okusiassociates.com" }