As evening approached, the Bahrul Ulum Islamic Boarding School\ncomplex in Tambakberas, Jombang, transformed into a bustling small town.\nCongress participants moved from the assembly halls to their lodgings,\ndiscussing organisational governance matters until late into the night\nat the historic pesantren founded by Kiai Wahab Chasbullah.<\/p>\n
A few days earlier, a solemn atmosphere had enveloped the Congress\narena through a grand istighotsah. Prayers, remembrance, and hopes for\nthe unity of Nahdlatul Ulama soared skyward, before the arena turned\ninto a space of fierce debate over rules of procedure, leadership\nelection mechanisms, and the division of organisational authority.<\/p>\n
Elsewhere, long before the Congress took place, a number of senior\nclerics at the PBNU office on Kramat Raya in Jakarta had actually\ndiscussed the idea of strengthening the role of the Ahlul Halli wal Aqdi\n(AHWA). They proposed that this clerical body should not cease its\nduties after electing the Rais Aam.<\/p>\n
However, the proposal was ultimately not adopted as an official\nCongress decision. The AHWA was confirmed to remain ad hoc in nature.\nAlthough the body remains temporary, the 35th Congress nevertheless\nproduced a decision that significantly expanded the scope of the AHWA\u2019s\nauthority.<\/p>\n
On Sunday, 30 August 2026, the Congress officially appointed nine\nsenior clerics as members of the AHWA for the 2026\u20132031 term of service.\nThey represent the pinnacle of religious scholarship and the core of NU\nleadership. The nine clerics span from Aceh, through the cities of Java,\nto Makassar.<\/p>\n
They are KH Nurul Huda Djazuli from Ploso, Tgk KH Nuruzzahri Yahya\nfrom Aceh, KH AG Baharuddin HS from Makassar, KH Miftachul Akhyar from\nSurabaya, KH Afifuddin Muhajir from Situbondo, KH Anwar Iskandar from\nKediri, KH Anwar Manshur from Lirboyo, KH Said Aqil Siroj from Jakarta,\nand KH Abun Bunyamin from Purwakarta.<\/p>\n
These nine clerics were given the mandate to deliberate and elect the\nRais Aam from among themselves, while also holding a crucial role in\ndetermining the Chairman of PBNU.<\/p>\n
Herein lies a very interesting dynamic in the consultation process.\nBefore the Congress was held, public debate often simplified the matter\nas though NU were being forced to choose dichotomously between two\nextreme models: a direct election system or direct appointment by\nclerics.<\/p>\n
However, after the gavel of the official Congress decision was\nstruck, the picture that emerged proved far more complex and not as\nsimple as that dichotomy. Election from below was not abolished, but\nrather its function and position within the decision-making structure\nwere altered.<\/p>\n
Congress participants from regional levels and NU autonomous bodies\nstill retain the right to vote in screening candidates for Chairman of\nPBNU. Each regional board (PWNU), branch board (PCNU), special branch\nboard (PCINU), and autonomous body is entitled to propose up to five\nnames.<\/p>\n
All proposals from below are then tabulated openly to produce the\nfive names with the most support. However, these five names are not\nimmediately pitted against one another in an open vote by all Congress\nparticipants.<\/p>\n
They are first presented to the elected Rais Aam from among the nine\nAHWA members, for technical approval and clerical consideration. And\nfinally the AHWA decides and appoints one name as Chairman of PBNU.<\/p>\n
Thus, the shape of NU\u2019s new system is not a total replacement of the\ncongress participants\u2019 voting rights with the AHWA. This model is more\naccurately described as a combination of bottom-up nomination and\nscholarly selection at the final stage.<\/p>\n
This represents a substantive shift in organisational governance,\nalthough it cannot yet be called a radical institutional revolution.<\/p>\n
In the previous Congress model, participants determined the Chairman\nof PBNU directly through voting in an open arena. In this new mechanism,\nthe participants\u2019 votes serve to determine which figures are entitled to\nadvance to the AHWA\u2019s negotiating table.<\/p>\n
The centre of gravity of the final decision has shifted from open\ncompetition (election) towards measured filtering (selection).\nCandidates no longer consolidate to pursue a majority of votes in the\nopen arena, but must secure screening support at the grassroots level\nwhile simultaneously convincing the senior clerics.<\/p>\n
This hybrid system brings fairly clear advantages. The potential for\nopen political friction can be dampened, although it does not close the\npossibility of such friction occurring before the final determination\nstage.<\/p>\n
The election of the highest leadership of a religious organisation\nneed not turn into a practical political contest with all its divisive\nconsequences.<\/p>\n
The five names screened from grassroots aspirations become objective\nmaterial for consideration, while the authority for final determination\nis entrusted to a forum of clerics regarded as possessing spiritual\nclarity and communal judgement.<\/p>\n
However, this design also carries constitutional consequences that\nmust not be ignored. The burden of authority on the nine AHWA members\nhas now become very great. They not only elect the Rais Aam from their\nown internal circle, but also hold the key to determining the Chairman\nof the Tanfidziyah from the names put forward by the grassroots\nstructures.<\/p>\n
The AHWA is no longer merely an ad hoc instrument for Syuriyah\nsuccession, but has become the primary determinant for both of the\nhighest leadership positions of PBNU at once.<\/p>\n
This matter demands a proper understanding of the term Ahlul Halli\nwal Aqdi. In classical Islamic political civilisation, ahl al-hall wa\nal-\u2019aqd was not the name of a formal committee limited to nine\npeople.<\/p>\n
It is a qualitative concept concerning a group of clerics and\ncommunity figures who meet the requirements of depth of knowledge, moral\nintegrity, and social influence to make strategic decisions for the\nbenefit of the ummah.<\/p>\n
NU then adopted this philosophical concept and transformed it into a\nmeasurable organisational mechanism. Therefore, evaluation of the AHWA\ncan no longer be adequately read through the lens of clerical tradition\nalone, but must be tested through the lens of modern governance.<\/p>\n
Regarding its term of office, the decision of the 35th Congress has\nprovided certainty: the AHWA remains ad hoc as before. The nine clerics\nelected by the Congress forum are not tasked with forming a permanent\ninstitution standing outside or above the official PBNU structure.<\/p>\n
After the succession task is completed, they return to merge into the\nMustasyar and Syuriyah structures of PBNU for the 2026\u20132031 term of\nservice.<\/p>\n
This decision reflects the compromise position taken by NU. On one\nhand, the Congress expanded the AHWA\u2019s authority in determining the\npinnacle of Tanfidziyah leadership. On the other hand, the Congress\nrefused to extend its institutional lifespan into a permanent body.<\/p>", "url": "https:\/\/jawawa.id\/newsitem\/the-expanding-ahwa-1788159162", "image": "" }, "sponsor": "Okusi Associates", "sponsor_url": "https:\/\/okusiassociates.com" }